For these and some other reasons they removed to Leyden, a fair and bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, but made more famous by the universitie wherwith it is adorned, in which of late had been so many learned men. But wanting that traffike by sea which Amsterdam injoyes, it was not so beneficiall for their outward means of living and estats. But being now hear pitchet they fell to such trads and imployments as they best could;l valewing peace and their spirituall comforte above any other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they came to raise a competente and comforteable living, but with hard and continuall labor.

Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they continued many years in a comfortable condiion, injoying much sweete and delightefull societie and spirituall comforte togeather in the wayes of God, under the able ministrie, and prudente governmente of Mr. John Robinson, and Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistante unto him in the place of an Elder, unto which he was now callad and chosen by the church. So as they greca in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the spirite of God, and lived togeather in peace, and love, and holines; and many carne unto them from diverse parts of England, so as they greca a great congregation. And if at any time any diflerences arose, or offences broak out (as it cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst the best of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt in the head betims, or otherwise so well composed, as still love, peace, and communion was continuad; or els the church purged of those that were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no other means would serve, which seldom carne to pass. Yea such was the mutuall love, and reciprocall respecte that this worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke to him, that it might be said of them as it once was of that famouse Emperour Marcus Aurelious,l and the people of Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted more in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing such a pastor. His love was greate towards them, and his cara was all ways bente for their best good, both for soule and body; for besids his singuler abilities in devine things (wherin he excelled), he was also very able to give directions in civill affaires, and to foresee dangers and inconveniences; by which means he was very helpfull to their outward estats, and so was every way as a commone father unto them. And pone did more offend him then those that were Glose and cleaving to them selves, and retirad from the commone good; as also such as would be stiffe and riged in matters of outward order, and invey against the evills of others, and yet be remisse in them selves, and not so carefull to express a vertuous conversation. They in like maner had ever a reverente regard unto him, and had him in precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom did deserve; and though they esteemed him highly whilst he lived and laboured amongst them, yet much more after his death,l when they carne to feele the wante of his help, and saw (by woefull experience) what a treasure they had lost, to the greefe of their harts, and wounding of their sowls; yea such a loss as they saw could not be repaired; for it was as hard for them to find such another leader and feeder in all respects, as for the Taborits to find another Ziska.2 And though they did not call themselves orphans, as the othe-r did, after his death, yet they had cause as much to lamente, in another regard, their present condition, and after usage. But to returne; I know not but it may be spoken to the honour of God, and without prejudice to any, that such was the true pietie, the humble zeale, and fervent love, of this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards God and his waies, and the single hartednes and sinceir affection one towards another, that they carne as near the primative patterne of the first churches, as any other church of those later times have done, according to their ranke and qualitie.

But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of the severall passages that befell this people whilst they thus lived in the Loca Countries, (which might worthily require a large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to shew the begining of this plantation, which is that I aime at; yet because some of their adversaries did, upon the rumore of their removall, cast out slanders against them, as if that state had been wearie of them, and had rather driven them out (as the heathen historians did faine of Moyses and the Isralits when they went out of Egipte), then that it was their owne free choyse and motioll, I will therfore mention a particular or too to shew the contrary, and the good acceptation they had in the place wher they lived. And first though many of them weer poore, yet ther was none so poore, but if they were known to be of that col,. gregation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) would trust them in any reasonable matter when they wanted money. Because they had found by experience how carfull they were to keep their word, and saw them so painfull and dilligente in their callings; yea, they would strive to gett their custome, and to imploy them above others, in their worke, for ther honestie and diligente.

Againe; the magistrats of the citie, aboute the time of ther coming away, or a litle before, in the publick place of justice, gave this comendable testemoney of them, in the reproofe of the Wallons,l who were of the French church in that citie. These English, said they, have lived amongst us now Chis 12. years, and yet we never had any sute or accusation came against any of them; but your strifs and quarels are continuall, etc. In these times allso were the great troubls raised by the Arminians,z who, as they greatly mollested the whole state, so this citie in particular, in which was the cheefe universitie; so as ther were dayly and hote disputs in the schooles ther aboute; and as the studients and other lerned were devided in their op= pinions hearin, so were the 2. proffessors or devinitie readers them selves; the one daly teaching for it, the other against it. Which grew to that pass, that few of the discipls of the one would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson, though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, and write sundrie books,L besids his manyfould pains otherwise, yet he went constantly to hear ther readings, and heard the one as well as the. other;, by which means he was so well grounded in the controversia, and saw the forte of all their arguments, and knew the shifts of the adversarie, and being him selfe very able, none was fitter to buckle with them then him selfe, as appered by sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be terrible to the Arminians; which made Episcopius (the Arminian professor) to put forth his best stringth, and set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick dispute he would defend against all men. Now Poliander the other proffessor, and the cheefe preachers of the citie, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against him ; but he was loath, being a stranger; yet the other did importune him, and tould him that such was the abilitie and nimblnes of the adversarie, that the truth would suffer if he did not help them. So as he condescended, and prepared him selfe against the time; and when the day came, the Lord did so help him to defend the truth and foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent nonplus, in this great and publike audience. And the like he did a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions. The which as it causad many to praise God that the trueth had so famous victory, so it procured him much honour and respecte from those lerned men and others which loved the trueth. Yea, so farr were they from being weary of him and his people, or desiring their absence, as it was said by soma, of no mean note, that were. it not for giveing offence to the state of England, they would have preferd him otherwise if he would, and alowd them some publike favour. Yea when therwas speech of their remoovall into these parts, sundrie of note and eminencie of that nation would have had them come under them, and for that end made then large offers. Now though I might aledg many other perticulers and examples of the like kinde, to shew the untruth and un. licklyhode of this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only raised by the malice of some, who laboured their disgrace.

After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congregation, Robert Cushmanand John Carver,have been in communication with diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties Counsell for Virginia; arad by the writing of 7. Articles subscribed with your names,have given them that good degree of satisfaction, which hath caried them ora with a resolution to sett forward your desire in the best sorte that may be, for your owne and the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave to their faithfull reporte; having carried them selves heere with that good discretion, as is both to ther owne and their credite from whence they carne z Arad wheras being to treate for a multitude of people, they have requested further time to conferr with them that are to be interessed in this action, aboute the severall particularities which in the prosecution thereof will fall out considerable, it hath been very willingly assented too. And so they doe now returne unto you. If therfore it may please God so to directe your desires as that ora your parts ther fall out no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it shall likewise appear, that ora our parte, all fonvardnes to set you forward shall be found in the best sorte which with reason may be expected. And.so I betake you with this designe (which I hope verily is the worke of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of the Highest.

Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, and our churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente of your singuler love, expressing itselfe, as otherwise, so more spetially in your great tare and earnest endeavor of our good in this weightie bussines aboute Virginia, which the less able we are to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more bound to commend in our prayers unto God for recompence; whom, as for the presente you rightly behould in our indeavors, so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same God assisting us) to returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto the labour of your love bestowed upon us. We have with the best speed and consideration withall that we could, sett downe our requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands of the greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente the same unto the Counsell by our agente, and a deacon of our church, John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman of our company to adyone2 him selfe; to the tare and discretion of which two, we doe referr the prose. cuting of the bussines. Now we perswade our selves Right WorPPI that we need not provoke your godly and loving minde to any further or more tender tare of us, since you have pleased so farr to interest us in your selfe, that, under God, above all persons and things in the world, we relye upon you, exprcting the tare of your love, counsell of your wisdome, and the help and countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your encouragmente in the worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will not forbeare to mention these instantes of indusmente.

1. We veryly beleeve and trust the Lord is with us, unto whom and whose service we have given our selves in many trialls; and that he will graciously prosper our indeavours according to the simplicitie of our harts therin.

2ly. We are well weaned from the delicate milke of our mother countrie, and enured to the dificulties of a strange and hard land, which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome

3ly. The people are for the body of them, industrious, and frugall, we thinke we may safly say, as any company of people in the world.

4ly. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte and sacred bond and covenante of the Lord, of the violation wherof we make great consciente, and by vertue wherof we doe hould our selves straitly tied to all tare of each others good, and of the whose by every one and so mutually.

5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish them selves at honre againe. We knowe our entertainmente in England, and in Holand; we shall much prejudice both our arts and means by removall; who, if we should be driven to returne, we should not hope to recover our present helps and comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine unto the like in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing towards their periods.

These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, which you in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our worPP: freinds of the Counsell with you; of all whose godly dispossition and loving towards our despised persons, we are most glad, and shall not faire by all good means to continue and increase the same. We will not be further troublesome, but doe, with the renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your WorPP: and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our leaves, commiting your persons and counsels to the guidance and direction of the Almighty.

For further light in these proceedings see some other letters and notes as followeth.

Right WorP": with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse for your singular tare and pains in the bussines of Virginia, for our, and, we hope, the commone good, we doe remember our humble dutys unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required, a further explanation of our judgments in the 3. points specified by some of his majesties Honbl Privie Counsell;and though it be greevious unto us that such unjust insinuations are made against us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of making our just purgation unto so honourable personages. The declarations we have sent inclosed, the one more breefe and generall, which we thinke the fitter to be presented; the other something more large, and in which we express some smale accidentall differances, which if it seeme good unto you and other of our worPfreinds, you may send in stead of the former. Our prayers unto God is, that your WorPP may see the frute of your worthy endeaours, which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by all good means in us. And so praing that you would please with the convenientest speed that may be, to give us knowledge of the success of the bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our direction or furtherance in the same, so we rest

Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the churches contribution, as allso for the too Sacrements, baptisme, and the Lords supper, we doe wholy and in all points agree with the French reformed churches, according to their publick confession of faith.

The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be required of as, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given by our taking the oath of Alleagence.

Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, etc. as in the former, we agree in all things with the French reformed churches, according to their publick confession of faith; though some small differences be to be found in our practises, not at all in the substance of the things, but only in some accidentall circumstances.

1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered; ours uncovered.

2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are able to teach; which abilitie they doe not require.

3. Their elders and deacons are annuall, or at most for 2. or 3. years; ours perpetuall.

4. Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions and excommunications for publick scandals, publickly and before the congregation; theirs more privately, and in their consistories.

5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as wherof the one parente, at the least, is of some church, which some of ther churches doe not observe; though in it our practice accords with their publick confession and the judgmente of the most larned amongst them.

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these points. Then aboute the oath, as in the former

Your letter to Sr. John Worstenholme I delivered allmost as soone as I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him the opening and reading. Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read them to him selfe, as also the letter, and in the reading he spake to me and said, Who shall make them ? viz. the ministers; I answered his Worpp. that the power of making was in the church, to be ordained by the imposition of hands, by the fittest instrunments they had. It must either be in the church or from the pope, and the pope is Antichrist. Ho! said Sr. John, what the pope houlds good, (as in the Trinitie,) that we doe well to assente too; but, said he, we will not enter into dispute now. And as for your letters he would not show them at any hand, least he should spoyle all. He expected you should have been of the archbp minde for the calling of ministers, but it seems you differed. I could have wished to have known the contents oI your toq, inclosed, at which he stuck so much, espetially the larger. I asked his Worp what good news he had for me to write to morrow. He tould me very good news, for both the kings majestie and the bishops have consented. He said he would goe to Mr. Chancelor, Sr. Fulk Grivell,l as this day, and nexte weeke I should know more. I mett Sr. Edw: Sands on Wedensday night; he wished me to be at the Virginia Courtez the nexte Wedensday, wher I purpose to be. Thus loath to be troublsome at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week oI certentie concerning you. I committee you to the Lord.

These things being long in agitation, and messengers passing too and againe aboute them, after all their hopes they were long delayed by many rubs that f ell in the way ; for at the returne of these messengers into England they found things f arr otherwise then they expected. For the Virginia Counsell was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst them selves, as no bussines could well goe forward. The which may the better appear in one of the messengers letters as followeth.

I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could not effecte that which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as I wished; yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but Mr. B.hath writen to Mr. Robinson. But I thinke my selfe bound also to doe something, least I be thought to neglecte you. The maine hinderance oI our proseedings in the Virginia bussines, is the dissentions and factions, as they terme it, amongs the Counsell and Company oI Virginia; which are such, as that ever since we carne up no busines could by them be dispatched. The occasion oI this trouble amongst them is, for that a while since Sr. Thomas Smith, repining at his many offices and troubls, wished the Company oI Virginia to case him oI his office in being Treasurer and Goverr. oI the Virginia Company.l Whereupon the Company tooke occasion to dismisse him, and chose Sr. Edwin Sands Treasurer and Goverr oI the Company. $e having 60. voyces, Sr. John Worstenholme 16. voices, and Alderman Johnsone 24. But Sr. Thomas Smith, when he saw some parte oI his honour lost, was very angrie, and raised a faction to cavill and contend aboute the election, and sought to taxe Sr. Edwin with many things that might both disgrace him, and allso put him by his office oI Governour. In which contentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle in any bussines; and what issue things will come to we are not yet certaine. It is most like Sr. Edwin will carrie it away, and if he doe, things will goe well in Virginia; if otherwise, they will goe ill enough allways. We hope in some 2. or 3. Court days things will setle. Mean space I thinke to goe downe into Kente, and come up againe aboute 14. days, or 3. weeks hence; except either by these afforesaid contentions, or by the ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged, oI which tidings I am now to speake.

Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke (he upon notice oI the intente oI the Counsell, carne away before Sr. Georg Yeardleycarne ther, and so ther is no small dissention). But his tidings are ill, though his person be wellcome. He saith Mr. Blackwellsshipe carne not ther till March, but going towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried them to the southward beyond their course. And the Mr oI the ship and some 6. oI the mariners dieing, it seemed they could not find the bay, till after long seeking and beating aboute. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. Maggner, the Captain; yea, ther are dead, he saith, 130. persons, one and other in that ship; it is said ther was in all an 180. persons in the ship, so as they were packed togeather like herings. They had amongst them the fluxe, and allso wante oI fresh water; so as it is hear rather wondred at that so many are alive, then that so many are dead. The marchants hear say it was Mr. Blackwells faulte to pack so many in the ship; yea, and ther were great mutterings and repinings amongst them, and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell, for his dealing and dispossing of them, when they saw how he had dispossed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the streets at Gravsendrunge of therr extreame quarrelings, crying out one of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I may thanke the for this. Heavie newes it is, and I would be glad to heare how farr it will discourage. I see none hear discouraged much, but rather desire to larne to beware by other mens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed. As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed of being inthraled by any imperious persone, espetially if they be discerned to have an eye to them selves. It doth often trouble me to thinke that in this bussines we are all to learne and none to teach; but better so, then to depend upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. Such a strategeme he once made for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden,which was their subversion. But though he ther clenlily (yet unhonstly) plucked his neck out of the collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no letters come, the ship captain Argole carne in is yet in the west parts; all that we hear is but his report; it seemeth he carne away secretly. The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be hear shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once said; he thouugt we should hear no good of them.

them. Mr. B. is not well at this time; whether he will come back to you or goe into the north, I yet know not. For my selfe, I hope to see an end of this bussines ere I come, though I am sorie to be thus from you; if things liad gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within these 14. days. I pray God directe us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for such a bussines. Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largely write of to Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lords protection.

A word or tow by way of digression touching this Mr. Blackwell ; he was an elder of the church at Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them. He declined from the trueth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with him when they parted assunder in that wofull maner, which brought so great dishonour to God, scandall to the trueth, and outward ruine to them selves in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest with him in the heavens, and that they are arrived in the Haven of hapines; though some of their bodies were thus buried in the terrable seas, and others sunke under the burthen of better afflictions. He with some others had prepared for to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie godly citizens, being at a private meeting (I take it a fast) in London, being discovered, many of them were apprehended, wherof Mr. Blackwell was one; but he so glosed with the bps,and either dissembled or flatly denyed the trueth which formerly he had maintained; and not only so, but very unworthily betrayed and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so he might slip his own neck out of the collar, and to obtaine his owne freedtme brought others into bodds. Wherupon he so wone the bps favour (but lost the Lord's) as he was not only dismiste, but in open coarte the archbishop gave him great applause and his sollemne blessing to proseed in his vioage. But if such events follow the bps blessing, happie are they that misse the same; it is much better to keepe a good consciente and have the Lords blessing, whether in life or death.

But see how the man thus apprehended by Mr. Blackwells means, writs to a freind of his.

As for my owne presente condition, I doubt not but you well understand it ere this by our brother Maistersone, who should have tasted of the same cupp, had his place of residente and his person been as well knowne as my selfe. Some what I have written to Mr. Cushman how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twise to Mr. Sherives, and once to my Lord Cooke,' and have used such reasons to move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I was a yonge roan living by my credite, indebted to diverse in our citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a Glose and tedious prison; besids great rents abroad, all my bussines lying still, my only servante lying lame in the countrie, iny wife being also great with child. And yet no answer till the lords of his majesties Counsell gave consente. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate, with a greatdeale less adoe; yea, with an addition of the Archp: blessing. I am sorie for Mr. Blackwels weaknes, I wish it may prove no worse. But yet he and some others of them, before their going, were not sorie, but thought it was for the best that I was nominated,2 not because the Lord sanctifies evill to good, but that the action was good, yea for the best. One reason I well remember he used was, because this trouble would encrease the Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be more generally inclined to goe; and if he had not nomminated some such as I, he had not bene free, being it was knowne that diverse citizens besids them selves were ther. I expecte an answer shortly what they intende conscerning me; I purpose to write to some others of you, by whom you shall know the certaintie. Thus not haveing further at present to acquaint you withall, commending myselfe to your prairs, I cease, and committe you and us all to the Lord.

But thus much by the way, which may be of instruction and good use.

But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they had a patent granted them, and confirmed under the Companies seale;but these devissions and distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended freinds, and disappointed them of much of their hoped for and proffered means. By the advise of some freinds this pattente was not taken in the narre of any of their owne, but in the narre of Mr. John Wincob (a religious gentleman then belonging to the Countess of Lincoline), who intended to goe with them. But God so disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of this patente,which had cost them so much labour and charge, as by the sequell will appeare. This patente being sente'bver for them to veiw and consider, as also the passages aboute the propossitions between them and such marchants and freinds as should either goe or adventure with them, and espetially with thoseon whom they did cheefly depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, they were requested to fitt and prepare them selves with all speed. A right emblime, it may be, of the uncertine things of this world; that when men have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into smoke.

Ano 1620. July 1

1. The adventurers and planters doe agree, that every person that goeth being aged 16. years and upward, be rated at 10li., and ten pounds to be accounted a single share.

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with 10li. either in money or other provissions, be accounted as haveing 20li.. in stock, and in the devssion shall receive a double share.

3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall continue their joynt stock and partnership togeather, the space of 7. years, (excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause the whole company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits and benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still in the commone stock untill the division.

4. That at their comming ther, they chose out such a number of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon the sea; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon the land; as building houses, tilling, and planting the ground, and makeing shuch commodities as shall be most usefull for the collonie.

5. That at the end of the 7. years, the capitall and profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte the adventurers, and planters; which done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure.

6. Whosoever cometh to the colonie herafter, or putteth any into the stock, shall at the ende of the 7. years be alowed proportionably to the time of his so doing.

7. He that shall carie his wife and children, or servants, shall be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years and upward, a single share in the devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in transportation and devision.

8. That such children as now goe, and are under the age of ten years, have noe other shar in the devision, but 50. acera of unmanured land.

9. That such persons as die before the 7. years be expired, their executors to have their parte or sharr at the devision, proportionably to the time of their life in the collonie.

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of the common stock and goods of the said collonie.

The cheefe and principall differences betwene these and the former conditions, stood in those 2. points; that the houses, and Lands improved, espetialy gardens and home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to the planters at the 7. years end. 2ly, that they should have had 2. days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for the more comforte of them selves and their families, espetialy such u had families. But because letters are by some wise men counted the best parte of histories, I shall shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne letters, in which the passages of things will be more truly discerned.

You doe throwly understand by our generall letters the estate of things hear, which indeed is very pitifull; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be great want of money and means to doe needfull things. Mr. Pickering,you know before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robart Cushman presumed of I know not how many 100li. from him, and I know not whom. Yet it seems strange that we should be put to him to receive both his and his partners adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, that in regard of it, he hath drawne upon him a 100li. more. But ther is in this some misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in the whole course. Besids, wheras diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay any thing, if he had againe his money in his purse. You know right well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure for this commone bussines; and when we had in hand another course with the Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon the conditions by him shortly after propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not answerable from him. hitherto. That he should have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but that I can well excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite; wheras others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. But that he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, or at least certaine means, and course, and the same knowne to. us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my consciente be excused. I have heard that when he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and referred it to the others; and would come to Georg Morton,l and enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been some accessarie unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps from others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through with things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too soone and so encrease the charge of shiping above that is meete, or whether he have thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking that therby Mr. Brewerand Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitie to doe more, or what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure we are that things are not answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks himselfe mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but we have done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those tow; the one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man, and of spetiall abilities in his kind yet) most unfitt to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie, and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak truly) that we have had nothing from him but termes and presumptions. The other, that we have so much relyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing the perticuler course and means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, excepte in the course of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute the conditions, you have our reasons for our judgments of what is agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, that the greatest parte of the Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land and building houses, but upon fishing, trading, etc. So as the land and house will be but a trifell for advantage to the adventurers, and yet the devission of it a great discouragmente to the planters, who would with singuler tare make it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. The same con. sideration of commone imploymente constantly by the most is a good reason not to have the 2. daies in a weeke denyed the few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to commone good. Consider also how much unfite that you and your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me word what persons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, and how many, and perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie you have not been at London all this while, but the provissions could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare you and yours well allways in the Lord, in whom I rest.

We received diverse letters at the coming of Mr. Nashand our pilott, which is a great incouragmente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister oceasion of praising God; and indeed had you not seene him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of the new conditions which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For the former wherof, wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to after the same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them to the censure of the godly wise. But our desires are that you will not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those are, viz. that the marchants should have the halfe of mens houses and lands at the dividente; and that persons should be deprived of the 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more of them then all men one of another. This we have only by relation from Mr. Nash, and not from any writing of your owne, and therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the bounds of your commission, which was to proceed upon the things or conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over about it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble us with such matters as these are, etc.

Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him that (under God) we much relie upon him and put our confidente in him; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. Since therfore, good brethren, we have plainly opened the state of things with us in this matter, you will, etc. Thus beseeching the Allmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of dificulties, to assiste us herein; raising such means by his providente and fatherly tare for us, his pore children and servants, as we may with comforte behould the hand of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we undertake in his name and fear, we take leave and remaine

I understand by letters and passagess that have come to me, that ther are great discontents, and dislike of my proceedings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but that partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but as things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard all the viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike of the alteration of one clause in the conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For the articles first brought over by John Carver were never seene of any of the adventurers hear, excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at the first ther was 500li. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all the rest would have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we had not altered that clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conelude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my falte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter the equitie of that condition, and our inconvenientes, which might be sett against all Mr. Rob:inconvenientes, that without the alteration of that clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves and bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against that clause in the conditions, which as they were delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but inconvenientes, such as a man might frame 20. as great on the other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so they misse and mistake both the very ground of the article and nature of the project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission of houses and Lands, it had been better for the poore. True, and that showeth the inequalitie of the condition; we should more respecte him that ventureth both his money and his person, then him that ventureth but his person only.

2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a store house; no one shall be porer then anotherfor 7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At-the least, we must not in such bussines crIe, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in venturs; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therfore complaine not before you have need.

3. This will hinder the building of good and faire houses, contrarie to the advise of pollitiks? A. So we would have it; our purpose is to build for the presente such houses as, if need be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; qur riches shall not be in pompe, but-iu--strenght; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, ships, munition, etc. You may lee it amongst the best pollitiks, that a commonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses and gay cloaths come up.

4. The Govet may presente excess in building. A. But if it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, the Gove" laboure is spared.

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, etc. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2ly. Such retired persons, as have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civill or religious.

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 51i. A. True, it may be not worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly and covetous ? I will not say what I have heard lince these complaints came first over.

7. Our freinds with us that adventure mind not their owne profite, as did the old adventurers. A. Then they are better then we, who for a litle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente brethern looke too it, that make profite your maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2ly. Though some of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all contente, if we can.

8. It will break the course of communitie, as may be showed by many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster comunion, as may be-showed by many reasons.

9. Great Profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, etc. A. As it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still upon it, and if such profite in that way come, our labour shall be the less on the land, and our houses and Lands must and will be of less value.

10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they put us upon it? doe they urge or egg us ? hath not the motion and resolution been always in our selves ? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes and conditions ? If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys. Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them.

Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you mean it of the 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to the adventurers of times of working, they have said they hope we are men of discretion and consciente, and so fitte to be trusted our selves with that. But indeed the ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering every day, etc.

As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as soone have gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as the Spanish Inquision. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the company thinke me to be the Jonas, let them cast me of before we goa; I shall be content to stay with good will, having but the cloaths on my back; only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full litle did I expecte these things which are now come to pass, etc.

But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it was staied by Mr. Carver and kept by him, forgiving offence. But this which follows was ther received; both which I thought pertenent to recite.

I received your le[tte]r yesterday, by John Turner,with another the same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. savouring of the place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find her, togeather with the demurrs and retirings ther, had made me to say, I would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his comeing aquainte him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only the pore cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further consideration, I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to aquainte Mr. Weston with the fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been much discontented at soma thing amongst us of late, which hath made him often say that save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with the bussines any more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, and how it stood both on our credits and undoing, at the last he gathered up him selfe a litle more, and coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste,for a greater we cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without troubling them any further; and if the ship fale too small, it fitteth well that such as stumble at strawes allready, may rest them ther a while, least worse blocks come in the way ere 7. years be ended. If you had beaten this bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is; I hope our freinds ther, if they be quitted of the ship hire, will be indusced to venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and netts may ther be boughte, and for all the rest we will here provid it; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it amonth or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholdstare ther, and bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of kine

You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have answered to my complaints; but I shal lerne to pass litle for ther censurs; and if I had more minde to goe and dispute and expostulate with them, then I have tare of this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let them beat the eair; I hope such as are my sinceire freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute the water, and other things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as I cannot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne the reproofe to your selves, and send an other, and let me come againe to my Combes.But setting a side my natural' infirmities, I refuse not to have my cause judged, both of God, and all indifferent men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of persons, see finto the equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peaceable, and patient minds, in all these turmoiles, and sanctifie unto us all erosses whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all 'ove and affection. I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days.

Besids these things, ther fell out a differance amongs those 3. that received the moneys and made the provissions in England; for besids these tow formerly mentioned sent from Leyden for this end, viz. Mr. Carver and Robart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England to be joyned with them, to make the provisions for the vioage; his name was Mr. Martin,he carne from Billirike in Essexe, from which parts carne sundrie others to goe with them, as also from London and other places; and therfore it was thought meete and conveniente by them in Holand that these strangers that were to goe with them, should apointe one thus to be joyned with them, not so much for any great need of ther help, as to avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any partiallitie. And indeed their tare for giving offence, both in this and other things afterward, turned to great inconveniente unto them, as in the sequell will apeare; but however it shewed their equall and honest minds. The provissions were for the most parte made at Southhamton, contrarie to Mr. Westons and Robert Cushmans mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things). A touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his to Mr. Carver, and more will appear afterward.

I have received from you some letters, full of affection and complaints, and what it is you would have of me I know not; for your crieing out, Negligente, negligente, negligente, I marvell why so negligente a man was used in the bussines. Yet know you that all that I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. you have referente to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is offended that our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not made aquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith that in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will, with going up and downe, and wrangling and expostulating, pass over the sommer before we will goe. And to speake the trueth, ther is fallen already amongst us a fiatt schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente 3. or 4. letters directed to you, though they only consterne me. I will not trouble you with them. I always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in with us. I trow you must excommunicate me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall wante no quareling; but let them pass. We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200li. and odd moneys of all the venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400li. I would have had some thing shortened at first of beare and other provissions in hope of other adventurs, and nowwe could have, both in Amsterd: and Kent, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without prejudice. You fear we have begune to build and shall not be able to make an end; indeed, our courses were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing. Yea, ther was a schisme amongst us 3. at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin, to, prevente the inaking of the provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely he that is in a societie and yet regards not counsell, may better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if ther be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we that should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples of jangling and insulting. Yet your money which you ther must have, we will get provided for you instantly. 500li. you say will serve; for the rest which hear and in Holand is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe, of whom you write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till I see hita shipped, for he is much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and the Lord guid us all.

I have bene the larger in these things, and so shall Grave leave in some like passages following, (thoug in other things I shal labour to be more contrate,) that their children may see with what difficulties their fathers wrastled in going throug these things in their first beginnings, and how God brought them along notwithstanding all their weaknesses and infirmities. As allso that some use may be made hereof in after times by others in such like waightie imployments; and herewith I will end this chapter.

sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see the most of you hear, but espetially because ther should any differance at all be conceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it meete (though brefly) ta show you the just cause and reason of our differing from those articles last made by Robart Cushman, without our comission or knowledg. And though he might propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it. Our maine diference is in the 5. and 9. article, concerning the deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoying wherof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, that when the greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, with some additions then added by us; which being liked on both sids, and a day set for the moneys, those of Holland paid in theirs. After that, Robart Cushman, Mr. Peirceand Mr. Martine, brought them into a better forme, and write them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts shewing them and delivering Mr. Mullins a coppy therof under his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estats and were ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte the vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you indiferently of things, and if a faulte have bene commited, lay it wher it is, and not upon us, who have more cause to stand for the one, then you have for the other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to make any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to further the provissions till John Carver carne, and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to the end of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to all men that we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire also the good and inriching of our freinds who have adventured your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article to the rest, promising you againe by leters in the behalfe of the whole company, that if large profits should not arise within the 7. years, that we will continue togeather longer with you, if the Lord give a blessing? This we hope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured that if the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, etc. We are in shuch a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li. worth of our provissions to eleare the Haven, and withall put our selves upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, etc. And yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente dangers as are like to insue, and trust to the good providente of God, rather then his narre and truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching the Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe al] our harts in the bonds of peace and love, we take leave and rest,

It was subscribed with many names of the cheefest of the company.

At their parting Mr. Robinson write a leter to the whole company, which though it hath already bene printed,yet I thought good here likwise to inserte it; as also a breefe leter writ at the same time to Mr. Carver, in which the tender love and godly tare of a true pastor appears.

I received inclosed in your last leter the note of information, which I shall carefuly keepe and make use of as ther shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexitie of mind and toyle of body, but I hope that you who have allways been able so plentifully to administer comforte unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe as that farr greater difficulties then you have yet undergone (though I conceive them to have been great enough) cannot oppresse you, though they press you, as the Apostle speaks. The spirite of a man (sustained by the spirite of God) will sustaine his infirmitie, I dout not so will yours. And the beter much when you shall injoye the presente and help of so many godly and wise bretheren, for the bearing of part of your burthen, who also will not admitte into their harts the least thought of suspition of any the least negligente, at least presumption, to have been in you, what so ever they thinke in others. Now what shall I say or write unto you and your goodwife my loving sister?z even only this, I desire (and allways shall) unto you from the Lord, as unto my owne soule; and assure your selfe that my harte is with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily coming at the first oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to the whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to them; and the more, considering the wante of a preacher, which I shall also make sume spurr to my hastening after you. I doe ever commend my best affection unto you, which if I thought you malle any doubte of, I would express in more, and the same more ample and full words. And the Lord in whom you trust and whom you serve ever in this bussines and journey, guid you with his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you and us his salvation in the end, and bring us in the mean while togeather in the place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake. Amen.

This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see frorn him. The other follows.

I doe hartily and in the Lord salute you all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best affection, and most ernest longings after you, though I be constrained for a while to be bodily absente from you. I say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather then otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for the present. Make accounte of me in the mean while, as of a man devided in my selfe with great paine, and as (natural] bonds set a side) having my beter parte with you. And though I doubt not but in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee and resolve upon that which concerneth your presente state and condition, both severally and joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty to add some furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune allready, if not because you need it, yet because I owe it in love and dutie. And first, as we are daly to renew our repentance with our God, espetially for our cines known, and generally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth the Lord cal] us in a singuler maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie and danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search and carefull reformation of your ways in his sight; least he., calling to remembrance our cines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, and in judgmente leave us for the same to be swalowed up in one danger or other; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken away by ernest repentance and the pardon therof from the Lord sealed up unto a mans consciente by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death.

Nownext after this heavenlypeacewith God and our owne conscientes, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men what in us lieth, espetially with our associats, and for that watchfullnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe give, no nor easily take offence being given by others. Woe, be unto the world for offences, for though it be necessarie (considering the malice of Satan and mans corruption) that offences come, yet woe unto the man or woman either by whom the offence cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences in the unseasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more to be feared then death itselfe, as the Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. how much more in things simply evill, in which neither honour of God nor ]ove of man is thought worthy to be regarded. Neither yet is it sufficiente that we keepe our selves by the grace of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be armed against the taking of them when they be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is the work of grace in that person, who wants charitie to cover a multitude of offences, as the scriptures speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the commone grounds of Christianitie, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie, to cover offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie; or lastly, are grosse, though Glose hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Mat. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have bene found which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take it; neither have they ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, which have nurished this touchey humor. But besids these, ther are diverse motives provoking you above others to great tare and consciente this way: As first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and so stand in neede of more watchfullnes this way, least when shuch things fall out in men and women as you suspected not, you be inordinatly affected with them; which doth require at your hands much wisdome and charitie for the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civil] comunitie will minister continuall occasion of offence, and will be as fuell for that fire, excepte you dilligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence causlesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God him selfe, which yet we certainly doe so often as we doe murmure at his providente in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch afictions as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up therfore patience against the evill day, without which we take offence at the Lord him selfe in his holy and just works.

A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that with your commone imployments you joyne commone affections truly bente upon the general] good, avoyding as a deadly plague of your both commone and spetiall comfort all retirednes of minde for proper advantage, and all singularly affected any maner of way; let every man represe in him selfe and the who] body in each person, as so many rebels against the commone good, all prIvate respects of mens selves, not sorting with the general] conveniencie. And as men are carfull not to have a new house shaken with any violente before it be well setled and the parts firmly knite, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much more carfull, that the house of God which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessarie novelties or other oppositions at the first setling therof.

Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst your selves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any persons of spetiall eminencie above the rest, to be chosen by you into of$ce of goverment, let your wisdome and godlines appeare, not only in chusing shuch person s as doe entirely love and will promote the commone good, but also i:a yeelding unto them all due honour and obediente in their lawfull administrations; not behoulding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods ordinance for your good, not being like the foolish multitud who more honour the gay coste, then either the vertuous minde of the roan, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better things, and that the image of the Lords power and authoritie which the magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane persons soever. And this dutie you both may the more willingly and ought the more conscionably to performe, because you are at least for the present to have only them for your or. dinarie governours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that worke. Sundrie other things of importante I could put you in minde of, and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will not so farr wrong your godly minds as to thinke you heedless of those things, ther being also diverce among you so well able to admonish both them selves and others of what concerneth them. These few things therfore, and the same in few words, I doe ernestly commend unto your tare and consciente, joyning therwith my daily incessante prayers unto the Lord, that he who hath made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose providente is over all his workes, espetially over all his dear children for good, would so guide and gard you in your wayes, as inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as that both you and we also, for and with you, may have after matter of praising his narre all the days of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest.

This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, and suitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte in this place.

All things being now ready, and every bussines dispatched, the company was caled togeather, and this letter read amongst them, which had good acceptation with all and after fruit with many. Then they ordered and distributed their company for either shipe, as they conceived for the best. And chose a Govr and 2. or 3. assistants for each shipe, to order the people by the way, and see to the dispossing of there provissions, and shuch like affairs. All which was not only with the liking of the maisters of the ships, but according to their desires. `Vhich being done, they sett sayle from thence aboute the 5. of August; but what befell them further upon the coast of England will appeare in the nexte chapter.

my most kind remembrance to you and your wife, with loving E. M. etc. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For besids the eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased me, which will not in all licelyhoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more and more these 14. days, as that allthough I doe the acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead; but the will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither hath been as full of crosses, as our selves have been of crokednes. We put in hear to trimme her, and I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And though she was twise trimmed at Hamton, yet now shee is open and leakie as a seive; and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher the water carne in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, and are like to lye 4. more, and by that time the wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton. Our victualls will be halfe caten up, I thinke, before we goe from the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall not have a months victialls when we come in the countrie. Neare 700li. hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin saith he neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts he crieth out of unthankfullnes for his paines and tare, that we are susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing. Also he so insulteth over our poore people, with shuch scorne and contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your hart to see his dealing,and the mourning of our people. They complaine to me, and alass! I can doe nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, and waspish, discontented people, and I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others that would lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might depart; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling and controuling in things he knows not what belongs too, as that some thrcaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave the shipe and goe their way. But at the best this cometh of it, that he maks him selfe a scorne and laughing stock unto them. As for Mr. Weston, excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not confirming the conditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile the trueth, and say Mr. Robinson was in the falte who charged them never to contente to those conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed them to chose them they did chose.But he and they will rue too late, they may now see, and all be ashamed when it is too late, that they were so ignorante, yea, and so inordinate in their courses. I am sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I was not so resolute at Hampton to have left the whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, and better the vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought such miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, and detrimente to our loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of the cheefe of them which carne from Leyden, carne resolved never to goe on those conditions. And Mr. Martine, he said he never received no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to the marchants for a pine, they were.bloudsuckers, and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions with the marchants, nor ever spake with them. But did all that money flie to Hampton, or was it his owne? Who will goe and lay out money so rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, or on what conditions ? 2y. I tould him of the alteration longe agoe, and he was contente; but now he dominires, and said I had betrayed them into the hands of selves; he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man ? He hath but 50li. in, and if he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him, as I am persuaded,etc. Freind, if ever we make a plantation, God works a mirakle; especially considering how scante we shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited amongst our selves, and devoyd of good tutors and regimente. Violente will break al]. Wher is the meek and humble spirite of Moyses ? and of Nehemiah who reedified the wals of Jerusalem, and the state of Israell ? Is noi the shoud of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us ? Have not the philosophers and all wise men observed that, even in setled commone welths, violente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath, to ruine; how much more in the raising of commone wealths, when the morter is yet scarce tempered that should bind the wales. If I should write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune our ruine, I should over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart; only this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly, it may be the Lord will be yet entreated one way or other to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape even the gasping of hunger starved persons; but God can doe much, and his will be done. It is better for me to dye, then now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, and expecte it howerly; haveing received the sentance of death, both within me and without me. Poore William King and my selfe doe strive who shall be meate first for the fishes; but we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh no more, but looking unto the joye that is before us, we will endure all these things and accounte them light in comparison of that joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire ernestly, and wish againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte looke thenl in the face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can take from us. I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, and many things more which I have forborne. I write it as upon my life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be spoken of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body feeble, the Lord make me strong in him, and keepe both you and yours.

These being his conceptions and fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be much stronger now at Plimoth.

In the narre of God, Amen. We whose names are under-writen, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britaine, Frane, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, cte., haveing undertaken, for the glorie of God, and advancemente of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and countrie, a voyage to plant the first colonie in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly and mutualy in the presente of God, and one of another, covenant and combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just and equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time ta time, as shall be thought most meete and convenient for the generall good of the Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obediente. In witnes wherof we have hereunder subscribed our narres at Cap-Codd the 11. of November, in the year of the raigne of our soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, and Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fiftie fourth.

After this they chose, or rather confirmed,z Mr. John Carver (a man godly and well approved amongst them) their Governour for that year. And after they had provided a place for their goods, or combne store, (which were long in unlading for want of boats, foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,) and begune some small cottages for their habitation, as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of lawes and orders, both for their civill and military Govermente, as the necessitie of their condition did require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion in severall times, and as cases did require.

In these hard and difficulte beginings they found some discontents and murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches and carriags in other; but they were soone quelled and overcome by the wisdome, patience, and just and equall carrage of things by the Govr and better part, which clave faithfully togeather in the maine. But that which was most sadd and lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time half e of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan : and February, being the depth of winter, and wanting houses and other comforts; being infected with the scurvie and other diseases, which this long vioage and their inacomodate condition had brought upon them; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in the foresaid time; that of 100. and odd persons, scarce 50. remained., And of these in the time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abundante of toyle and hazard of their owne health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed and uncloathed them; in a word, did all the homly and necessarie offices for them which dainty and quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly and cherfully, without any grudging in the least, shewing herein their true love unto their freinds and bretheren. A rare example and worthy to be remembred. Tow of these 7. were Mr. William Brewster, ther reverend Elder, and Myles Standish, ther Captein and military comander, unto whom my selfe, and many others, were much beholden in our low and sicke condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this generall calamity they were not at all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I have said of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall vissitation, and others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need of them. And I doute not but their recompense is with the Lord.

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among the passengers that were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drunke water, that the sea-men might have the more bear,l and one in his sicknes desiring but a small cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne fatlier he should have none; the disease begane to fall amongst then also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before they went away, and many of their officers and lustyest men, as the boatson, gunner, quarter-maisters, the cooke, and others. At which the mr was something strucken and sent to the sick a shore and tould the Govr he should send for beer for them that had peed of it, though he drunke water homward bound. But now amongst his company ther was farr another kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst the passengers; for they that before had been boone companions in drinking and joyllity in the time of their health and wellfare, begane now to deserte one another in this calamitie, saing they would not hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them, but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch of the passengers as were yet abord shewed them what merey they could, which made some of their harts relente, as the boatson (and some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often curse and scofe at the passengers; but when he grew weak, they had compassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them in word and deed. 0 ! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lye and dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it had not ben for her he had never come this unlucky viage, and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this and that, for some of them, he had spente so much, and so much, amongst them, and they were now weary of him, and did not help him, having need. Another gave his companion all he had, if he died, to help him in his weaknes; he went and got a litle spise and made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his fellows, and swore the rogue would cousen him, he would see hita choaked before he made him any more meate; and yet the pore fellow dyed before morning.

All this while the Indians carne skulking about them, and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached near them, they would rune away. And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been at worke, and were gone to diner. But about the 16. of March a certaine Indian carne bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastrene parts, wher some English-ships carne to fhish, with whom he was aquainted, and could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst whom he had gott his language. He became proftable to them in aquainting them with many things concerning the state of the cuntry in the east-parts wher he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of the people hear, of their names, number, and strength; of their situation and distance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst them. His name was Samaset;he tould them also of another Indian whos name was Squanto,a native of this place, who had been in England and could speake better English then him selfe. Being, after some time of entertainmente and gifts, dismist, a while after he carne againe, and 5. more with him, and they brought againe all the tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for the coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt ; who, about 4. or 5. days after, carne with the cheefe of his freinds and other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after frendly entertainment, and some gifts given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this 24. years)in these terms.

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any of their peopl.

2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should send the offender, that they might punish him.

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe the like to his.

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; if any did warr against them, he should aide them.

5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace.

6. That when ther mea carne to them, they should leave their bows and arrows behind them.

After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto continued with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their carne, wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places for theirprofitt, and never left them till he dyed. He was a native of this place, and scarce any left alive beside him selfe He was caried away with diverce others by one Hunt, a mr of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine; but he got away for England, and wa, entertained by a marchante in London, and imployed to New-foundland and other parts, and lastly brought hither into these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by Sr. Ferdinando Gorges and others, for discovery, and other designes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth Ano: 1622. by the Presidente and Counsell for New-England,that he made the peace betweene the salvages of these parts and the English; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had the benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him and his men.

This Mr. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, as apears by a relation written by him, and given me by a freind, bearing date June 30. Ano : 1620. And they came in Novembr: following, so ther was but 4. months differance. In which relation to his honored freind, he hath these passages of this very place.

I will first begine (saith he) with that place from whence Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; which in Cap: Smiths mape is called Plimoth: and I would that Plimoth had the like comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton, because ther the savages are lese to be feared. The Pocanawkits,which live to the west of Plimoth, bear an inveterate malice to the English, and are of more streingth then all the savags from thence to Penobscote. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers and smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve they were, for the Frenche have so possest them; for which cause Squanto cannot deney but they would have kiled me when I was at Namasket,had he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of the borders of this great hay, may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts; for Patuxite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawset and Saughtughtett are for the most part a blakish and deep mould, much like that wher groweth the best Tobacco in Virginia. In the botume of that great hay is store of Codd and basse, or mulett, etc.

But above all he comends Pacanawkite for the richest soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, etc.

Massachuseets z is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, and situate in the mids betweene both, is full of ilands and peninsules very fertill for the most parte.

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now better knowne then they were to him.

He was taken prisoner by the Indeans at Manamoiak(a place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but when they had gott what they desired, they kept him still and indevored to kill his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them, and kepI them bound till they gave him a cannows load of torne. Of which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778.But this was Ano: 1619.

After the writing of the former relation he came to the Ile of Capawack(which 'yes south of this place in the way to Virginia), and the foresaid Squanto with him, wher he going a shore amongst the Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed and assaulted by them, and all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat; but him selfe gott abord very sore wounded, and they had cut of his head upon the cudy of his boat, had not the man reskued him with a sword. And so they got away, and made shift to gett into Virginia, wher he dyed; whether of his wounds or the diseases of the cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine. By all which it may appeare how farr these people were from peace, and with what danger this plantation was begane, save as the powerfull hand of the Lord did protect them. These thing[s] were partly the reason why they kept aloofe and were so long before they carne to the English. An other reason (as after them selvs made known) was how aboute 3. years before, a French-ship was cast away at Cap-Codd, but the men gott ashore, and saved their lives, and much of their victails, and other goods; but after the Indeans heard of it, they geathered togeather from these parts, and never left watching and dogging them till they got advantage, and kild them all but 3. or 4. which they kept, and sent from one Sachem to another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of which the foresaid Mr. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;) and they conceived this ship was now come to revenge it.

Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to the English to make freindship, they gott all the Powachsof the cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a horid and divellish maner to curse and exeerate them with their cunjurations, which asembly and service tllcy luda in ,t darke and dismale swampe.

But to returne. The spring approaching, it pleased God the mortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and the sick and lame recovered apace, which put as it were new life into them; though they had borne their sadd affiiction with much patience and contentednes, as I thinke any people could doe. But it was the Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand prepared them; many having long borne the yoke, yea from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, sundrie of them having been allready published in a Jurnall rnade by one of the company;l and some other passages of jurneys and relations allredy published, to which I referr those that are willing to know them more perticulerly. And being now come to the 25. of March I shall begine the year 1621.

I durst never aquainte the adventurers with the alteration of the conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this ship. That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. I know youweaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of the time you spente in discoursing, arguing, and consulting, would have done much more; but that is past, etc. If you mean, bona fide, to performe the conditions agreed upon, doe us the favore to coppy them out faine, and subscribe them with the principal) of your names. And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly as you can how our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed.with good words to shift of. And consider that the life of the bussines depends on the lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any good purpose, that I may he freed from the great sums I have disbursed for the former, and must doe for the leter, I promise you I will never quit the bussines, though all the other adventurers shauld.

We have procured you a Charter, the best we could, which is beter then your former, and with less limitation. For any thing that is els worth writting, Mr. Cushman can informe you. I pray write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary both for this life and that to come, I rest

This ship (caled the Fortune) was speedily dispatcht away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she could stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities brought with them at first, being altogeather unprovided for trade; neither was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be worth near 500li. Mr. Cushman returned backe also with this ship, for so Mr. Weston and the rest had apoynted him, for their better information. And he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should have a speedy supply; considering allso how by Mr. Cushmns perswation,and letters received from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeel[d]ed to the afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their hands. But it proved other avise, for Mr. Weston, who had made that large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that if all the rest should f all of, yet he would never quit the bussines, but stick to them, if they yeelded to the conditions, and sente some lading in the ship; and of this Mr. Cushman was confident, and confirmed the same from his mouth, and serious protestations to him selfe before he came. But all proved but wind, for he was the first and only man that forsooke them, and that before he so much as heard of the returne of this ship, or knew what was done; (so vaine is the confidente in man.) But of this more in its place.

A leter in answer to his write to Mr. Carver, was sente to him from the Govr, of which so much as is pertenente to the thing in hand I shall hear inserte.

Your large letter writen to Mr. Carver, and dated the 6. of July, 1621, I have received the 10. of Novemb`, wherin (after the apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations upon him and us all. Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest in the Lord from all those troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He needs not my appologie,- for his tare and pains was so great for the commone good, both ours and yours, as that therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his days; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses may sustaine; but the loss of his and many other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. Of the one, ther may be hope of recovery, but the other no recompence can make good. But I will not insiste in generalls, but come more per ticulerly to the things them selves. You greatly blame us for keping the ship so long in the countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5. weks at Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the foule winter a place of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make provission to sheelter us and our goods, aboute which labour, many of our armes and leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But it pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so generall a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie the dead; and the well not in any measure suficiente to tend the sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting the ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But you say you know we will pretend weaknes; and doe you think we had not cause? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes herin is great we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently amongst the rest, till God send us wiser men. But they which tould you we spent so much time in discoursing and consulting, etc., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound expectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will never doe good, but corrupte and abuse others, etc

The rest of the letter declared how they had subscribed those conditions according to his desire, and sente him the former accounts very perticulerly; also how the ship was laden, and in what condition their affairs stood ; that the coming of these people would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more fully informe him and the rest of the adventurers). Also that seeing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his promise, etc.

After the departure of this ship, (which stayed not above 14. days,) the Gover and his assistante haveing disposed these late commers into severall families, as they best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their provissions in store, and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and found that it would not hould out above 6. months at halfe alowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give less this winter time till fish came in againe. So they were presently put to half alowance, one as well as an other, which begane to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of supply.

Soone after this ships departure, the great people of the Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger unto them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with a great sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould them was a threatening and a chaleng. Upon which the Govr, with the advice of others sente them a round answere, that if they had rather have warre then peace, they might begine when they would ; they had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, or should they find them unprovided. And by another messenger sente the sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But these things I doe but mention, because they are more at large allready put forth in printe,l by Mr. Winslow, at the requeste of some freinds. And it is like the reason was their owne ambition, who, (since the death of so many of the Indeans,) thought to dominire and lord it over the rest, and conceived the English would be a barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter allready under their wings.

But this made them the more carefully to looke to them selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, with gates to shote, which were every night locked, and a watch kept and when neede required ther was also warding in the day time. And the company was by the Captaine and the Govr advise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had ther quarter apoynted them, unto which they were to repaire upon any suddane alarme. And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were appointed for a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet the same, to prevent Indean treachery. This was accomplished very cherfully, and the towne impayled round by the begining of March, in which evry family had a prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth then of waight. One the day called Chrismasday, the Govr calmd them out to worke, (as was used,) but the most of this new-company excused them selves and said it wente against their conscientes to work on that day. So the Govr tould them that if they made it mater of consciente, he would spare them till they were better informed. So he led-away the rest and left them; but when they came home at noone from their worke, he found them in the streete at play, openly; some pitching the barr and some at stoole-ball, and shuch like sports. So he went to them, and tooke away their implements, and tould them that was against his consciente, that they should play and others worke. If they made the keeping of it mater of devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no gameing or revelling in the streets. Since which time nothing hath been atempted that way, at least openly.

Mr. Carver, in my last leters by the Fortune, in whom Mr. Cushman wente, and who I hope is with you, for Ove daly expecte the shipe back againe. She departed hence, the begining of July, with 35. persons, though not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of the parsemonie of the adventure[r]s. I have solisited them to send you a supply of men and provissions before shee come. They all answer they will doe great n,aters, when they hear good news. Nothing before; so faithfull, constant, and carefull of your good, are your olde and honest freinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send you no supplie, etc. I am now to relate the occasion of sending this ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will have a more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part true, etc. Mr. Beachamp'and my selfe bought this litle ship, and Nave set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold' the plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves; and partly to gett up what Ove are formerly out; though Ove are otherwise censured, etc. This is the occasion Ove have sent this ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom Ove desire you will frendly entertaine and supply with shuch necesaries as you cave spare, and they wante, etc. And among other things Ove pray you lend or sell them some seed torne, and if you have the salt remaining of the last year, that you will let them have it for their presente use, and Ove will either pay you for it, or give you more when Ove have set our saltpan to worke, which Ove desire may be set up in one of the litle ilands in your bay, etc. And because Ove intende, if God plase, (and the generallitie doe it not,) to send within a month another shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal goe to Virginia, etc. And it may be Ove shall send a shall ship to abide with you on the coast, which I conceive may be a great help to the plantation. To the end our desire may be effected, which, I assure my selfe, will be also for your good, Ove pray you give them entertainmente in your houses the time they shall be with you, that they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand to fell trees and cleave them, to the end lading may be ready and our ship stay not.

Some of the adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions for your furtherance in the commone bussines, who are like those St. James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and Ovarme him, but give him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold the plantation, but send you no means wherwithall to doe it, etc. By the next Ove purpose to send more people on our owne accounte, and to take a patente; that if your peopl should be as unhumane as some of the adventurers, not to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme, and which will never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of force doe it; and for some other reasons not necessary to be writen, etc. I find the generall so backward, and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves.

Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious and impertinent.

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, and a slender performance of his former late promiss; and as litle did it either fill or warme them, as those the Apostle James spake of, by him before mentioned. And well might it make them remember what the psalmist saith, Psa. 118.8. It is better to trust in the Lord, then to have con fidence in man. And Psa. 146. Put not you, trust in princes (much less in the marchants) nor in the sope o f man, for ther is no help in them. v. 5. Blesed is he that hath the God ot Jacob for his help, whose hope is in the Lord his God. And as they were now fayled of suply by him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was caused by him and the rest, who put so great a company of men upon them, as the former company were, without any food, and came at shuch a time as they must live almost a whose year before any could be raised, excepte they had sente some; so, upon the pointe they never had any supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise) ; for all the company sent at any time was allways too short for those people that came with it.

Ther came allso by the same ship other leters, but of later date, one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte of the adventurers, as foloweth.

Mr. Carver, since my last, to the end we might the more readily proceed to help the generall, at a meeting of some of the principall adventurers, a proposition was put forth, and alowed by all presente (save pickering), to adventure each man the third parte of what he formerly had done. And ther are some other that folow his example, and will ad venture no furder. In regard wherof the greater part of the adventurers being willing to uphold the bussines, finding it no reason that those that are willing should uphold the bussines of those that are unwilling, whose backwardnes doth discourage those that are forward, and hinder other new-adventurers from coming in, we having well considered therof, have resolved, according to an article in the agreemente, (that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of the adventurers and planters, upon just occasion, to breake of thirr joynte stock,) to breake it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and confirme the same on your parts. Which being done, we shall the more willingly goe forward for the upholding of you with all things necesarie. But in any case you must agree to the artickls, and send it by the first under your hands and seals. So I end.

Another leter was write from part of the company of the adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with 9. of their names, wherof Mr. Westons and Mr. Beachamphs were tow. Thes things seemed strang unto them, seeing this unconstancie and shufling; it made them to thinke ther was some misterie in the matter. And therfore the Govr concealed these letters from the publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with him, that this tended to disband and scater them (in regard of their straits) ; and if Mr. Weston and others, who seemed to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so provided as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to the prejudice of them selves and the rest of the adventure[r]s, their freinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was doubted whether he had not sente over shuch a company in the former ship, for shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion of wose 7. men which this ship, which fished to the eastward, had kept till planting time was over, and so could set no corne ; and allso wanting vitals, (for they turned them off without any, and indeed wanted for them selves,) neither was their saltpan come, so as they could not performe any of those things which Mr. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if the plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, gave them as good as any of their owne. The ship wente to Virginia, wher they sould both ship and fish, of which (it was conceived) Mr. Weston had a very slender accounte.

After this came another of his ships, and brought letters dated the 10. of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as followeth.

Mr. Bradford, these, etc. The Fortune is arived, of whose good newss touching your estate and proceedings, I am very glad to hear. And how soever he was robed on the way by the Frenchmen,yet I hope your loss will not be great, for the conceite of so great a returne doth much animate the adventurers, so that I hope some matter of importante will be done by them, etc. As for my selfe, I have sould my adventure and debts unto them, so as I am quitof you, and you of me, for that matter, etc. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer amongst you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can apprehend it. I perceive and know as well as another, the dispositions of your adventurers, whom the hope of gaine hath drawne on to this they have done; and yet I fear that hope will not draw them much furder. Besids, most of them are against the sending of them of Leyden, for whose cause this bussines was first begune, and some of the most religious (as Mr. Greene by name) a excepts against them. So that my advise is (you may follow it if you please) that you forthwith break of your joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law and consciente, for the most parte of the adventurers have given way unto it by a former letter. And the means you have ther, which I hope will be to some purpose by the trade of this spring, may, with the help of some freinds hear, bear the charge of transporting thoseoof Leyden; and when they are with you I make no question hut by Gods help you will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you to your discretion.

I desired diverce of the adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene, and others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters, to send liem by these ships; and marvelling they sent not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some dificultie one pf them tould me he had one, which was delivered him with great charge of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes, and sow it betweene the soles for fear of intercepting. l, taking the leter, wondering what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, and found this treacherous letter subscribed by the hands of Mr. Pickering and Mr. Greene. Wich leter had it come to you` hands without answer, might have caused the hurt, if not the ruine, of us all. For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in distruste as enimise, cte., it might have been an occasion to have set us togeather by the eares, to the distruction of us all. For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been violent, and heady against you, etc. I mente to have setled the peorie I before and now send, with or near you, as well for their as your more securitie and defence, as help on all occasions. But I find the adventurers so jealous and suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, and given order to my brother and those with him, to doe as they and him selfe shall find fitte. Thus, etc.

My dear love remembred unto you all, etc. The company hath bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he being judged a man that thought him selfe aboye the general), and not expresing so much the fear of God as was meete in a man to whom shuch trust should have been reposed in a matter of so great importante. I am sparing to be so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words to the wise.

Mr. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in respecte of him selfe, etc. His brother Andrew, whom he doth send as principal) in one of these ships, is a heady yong man, and violente, and set against you ther, and the company hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne ends, which tend to your and our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, and prevention of our good ends. For by credible testimoney we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonie, pretending he comes for and from the adventurers, and will seeke to gett what you have in readynes into his ships, as if they came from the company, and possessing all, will be so much profite to him selfe. And further to informe them selves what spetiall places or things you have discovered, to the end that they may supres and deprive you, etc.

The Lord, who is the watchman of Israll and slepeth not, preserve you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the advancemente of the glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well.

I pray conceale both the writing and deliverie of this leter, but make the best use of it. We hope to seto forth a ship our selves with in this month

Mr. Bradford, this is the leter that I wrote unto you of, which to answer in every perticuler is needles and tedious. My owne consciente and all our people can and I thinke will testifie, that my end in sending the ship Sparrow was your good, etc. Now I will not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows, as these men termo them; yet I presume they will be governed by such as I set over them. And I hope not only to be able to reclaime them from that profanenes that Inay scandalise the vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, etc. I am so farr from sending rudo fellows to deprive you either by fraude or violente of what is yours, as I have charged the m` of the ship Sparrow, not only to leave w-ith you 2000. of bread, but also a good quantitie of fish,etc. But I will leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or might have done, had it come to your hands and taken the effecte the other desired.

Now if you be of the mind that these men are, deale plainly with us, and ove will seeke our residente els-wher. If ,you are as freindly as ove have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of freinds, and w e will take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodgmg, but what ove will, in one kind or other, pay you for, etc. I shall leave in the countrie a litle ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners and fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, and trad with the savages, and the old plantation. It may be ove shall be as helpfull to you, as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see you the next spring; and so I comend you to the protection of God, who ever keep you.

Thus all ther hops in regard of Mr. Weston were layed in the dust, and all his promised helpe turned into an empttie advice, which they apprehended was nether lawfull nor profitable for them to follow. And they were not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade with, but others prepared and ready to glean up what the cuntrie might have afforded for their releefe. As for those harsh censures and susspitions intimated in the former and following leters, they desired to judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, waighing them in the ballance of love and reason; and though they (in parte) came from godly and loveing freinds, yet they conceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with unmeete provocations, though they well saw Mr. Weston pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite. For after the receit of the former leters, the Govr received one from Mr. Cushman, who went home in the ship, and was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as former passages declare), and it was much marveled that nothing was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it was the difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as the leter of a wife to her husband, who was here, and brought by him to the Govr. It was as followeth.

I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and many thanks for your love. By Gods providente ove got well home the 17. of Feb. Being robbed by the Frenchmen by the way, and carried by them into Franco, and were kepte ther 15. days, and lost all that ove had that was worth taking; but thanks be to God, ove escaped with our lives and ship. I see not that it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose by Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June nexte, or before. In the mean space know these things, and I pray you be advertised a litle. Mr. Weston hath quite broken of from our company, through some discontents that arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, and hath sould all his adventurs, and hath now sent 3. smale chips for his perticuler plantation. The greatest wherof, being 100. tune, ".Nlr. Revnolds goeth mi and he with the rest purposeth to come him selfe; for what end I know not.

The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, exeepte it be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe. If they offetr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let them give the worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you, let them leave a good pawne, etc. lt is like he will plant to the southward of the Cape, for William Trevore I hath lavishly tould but what he knew or imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen, and the Narigansets. I fear these peo pie will hardiv deale so well with the savages as they should. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in Franco. Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will cometo you as many as can this time. I hope all will turne to the best, wherfore I pray You be not discouraged, but gather up your selfe to goa thorow these dificulties cherfully and with courage in that place wherin God hath sett you, untill the day of refreshing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie.

On the other sid of the leave, in the same leter, came these few linos from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was taken, and of whom more will follow, to be spoken in its place.

I desire you to talle into consideration that which is writen on the other side, and not any way to damnifie your owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more infeebled. And for the leters of association, by the next ship we send, I hope you shall receive satisfaction; in the mean time whom you admite I will approve. But as for YIr. Weston's company, I thinke them so base in condition (for the most parte) as in all apearance not fitt for an honest mans company. I wish they prove other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my selfe, but cease in these few lins, and so rest

All these things they pondred and well considerad, yet concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente; partly in regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering what he had been unto them, and done for them, and to some, more espetially; and partly in compassion to the people, who were now come into a willdernes, (as them selves were,) and were by the ship to be presently put a shore, (for sha was to cary other passengers to Virginia, who lay at great charge,) and they were alltogeather unacquainted and knew not what to doe. So as they had received his former company of 7. men, and vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty men), and gave housing for them selves and their goods; and many being sicke, they had the best means the place could aford them. They stayed hear the most parte of the sommer till the ship came back againe from Virginia. Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, they removed into the Dlassachusset Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by light of ther former discovery in leters sent home). Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they were setled and housed. But of ther victails they had not any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing els in recompence of any courtecie done them; neither did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had no good govermente over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if Dsr. Weston came not the sooner amongst them; and therfore, to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of them.

Amids these streigths, and the desertion of those from whom they had hoped for supply, and when famine begane now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat, which came from the eastward brought them a letter from astranger, of whose name they had never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This leter was as followeth. Being thus inscribed.

Freinds, cuntrimen, and neighbours: I salute you, and wish you all health and hapines in the Lord. I make bould with these few unes totrouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no les. Bad news doth spread it selfe too farr; yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with many good freinds in the south-collonie of Virginia, have re. ceived shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not make good our loases. Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not knowing you) that the old rule which I learned when I went to schoole, may be sufA±cente. That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to beware. And now againe and againe, wishing all those that willingly would serve the Lord, all health and happines in this world, and everlasting peace in the world to come. And so I rest,

By this boat the Govr returned a thankfull answer, as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, which was piloted by them, in which Mr. Winslow was sente to procure what provissions he could of the ships, who was kindly received by the foresaid gentill-man, who not only spared what he could, but writ to others to doe the like. By which means he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which the plantation had a duble benefite, first, a present refreshing by the food brought, and secondly, they knew the way to those parta for their benifite hearafter. But what was gott, and this small boat brought, being devided among so many, came but to a litle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each person; and the Govr caused it to be dayly give~ them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they would have eate it up and then istarved. But thus, with what els they could get, they made pretie shift till come was ripe.

This sommer they builte a fort with good timber, both strong and comly, which was of good defence, made with a flate rofe and batelments, on which their ordnance were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially in time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes and time of wants; but the deanger of the time required it, and both the continuall rumors of the fears from the Indeans hear, espetially the Narigansets, and also the hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing to despatch the same.

Now the wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all had their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to a litle, in comparison of a full years supplie; partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted with the manner of Indean torne, (and they had no other,) allso their many other imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they should have done. Also much was stolne both by night and day, before it became scarce eatable, and much more after ward. And though -many were well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of torne, yet hunger made others (whom consciente did not restraine) to venture. So as it well appeared that famine must still insue the next year aliso, if not some way prevented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst not trust. Markets there was pone to goe too, but only the Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold now another providente of God; a ship comes into the harbor, ove Captain Jons being cheefe therin. They were set out by some marchanta to discovere all the harbors betweene this and Virginia, and the shouds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along the coast wher they could. This ship had atore of English-beads (which were then good trade) and some knives, but would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of the occasion, and faine to buy at any yate; they were faine to give after the rate of cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3s. per li., which in a few years after yeelded 20s. By this means they were fitted againe to trade for beaver and other things, and intended to buy what come they could.

But I will hear take liberty to make a little digression. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name Mr. John Poory;l he had been secretarie in Virginia, and was now going honre passenger in this ship. After his departure he write a leter to the Govr in the postscrite wherof he hath these lines.

To your selfe and Mr. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many ways indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not suffer me to remember (much less to begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon the 5. books of Moyses. Both his and Mr. Robinsons doe highly comend the authors, as being most conversante in the scripturs of all others. And what good (who knows) it may please God to worke by them, through my hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them. God have you all in his keeping.

These things I hear inserte for honour sake of the authors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly acknowledg; and him selfe after his returne did this pooreplantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck. But to returne.

Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who were now seated at the Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had made havock of their provissions, begane now to perceive that want would come upon them. And hearing that they hear had bought trading comodities and intended to trade for corve, they write to the Govr and desired they might joyne with them, and they would imploy their small ship in the servise; and furder requested either to lend or sell them so much of their trading comodities as their part might come to, and they would undertake to make paymente when Mr. Weston or their supply, should come. The Govr condesended upon equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute the Cap to the southward with the ship, wher some store of come rnight be got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid and interpreter, about the letter end Pf September; but the winds put them in againe, and putting out the 2. time, he fell sick af a feavor, so the Govr wente him selfe. But they could not get aboute the should of Cap-Cod, for flats and breakers, neither could Squanto directe them better, nor the id durst venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay and got wth [what] they could ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at the nose (which the Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few days dyed ther; desiring the Govr to pray for him, that he might goe to the Englishmens God in heaven, and bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his English freinds, as remembrances of his love; of whom they had a great loss. They got in t is vioage, in ove place and other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads~f come and beans, which was more then the Indeans could well spare in these parts, for the set but a litle till they got English hows. And so were faine to returne, being sory they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better laden. After ward the Govr toA³ke a few men and wente to the inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch it honre at the spring, which did help them something.

After these things, in Feb: a messenger came from John Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr. Weston's men in the bay of Massachusets, who brought a letter shewing the great wants they were falen into; and he would have borrowed a Il$ of come of the Indeans, but they would lend him none. He desired advice whether he might not take it from them by forte to succore his men till he came from the eastward, whither he was going. The Govr and rest deswaded him by all means from it, for it might so exasperate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all of us might smart for it; for they had already heard how they had so wronged the Indeans by stealing their coree, etc. as they were much incensed against them. Yea, so base were some of their own company, as they vente and tould the Indeans that their Govr was purposed to come and take their coree by force. The which with other things made them enter into a conspiracie against the English, of which more in the nexte. Hear with I end this year.

Loving freinds, as your sorrows and aflIictions have bin great, so our croses and interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not been small. For after we had with much trouble and charge sente the Parragon away to sea, and thought all the paine past, within 14. days after she carne againe hither, being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into the docke, and an 1001i. bestowed upon her. All the passengers Iying upon our charg for 6. or 7. weeks, and much discontent and distemper was oceasioned hereby, so as some dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all hhalll be well and worke for the best and your benefite, if yet with patience you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst these things were doing, Mr. Westons ship carne and brought diverce leters from you, etc. It rejoyseth us much to hear of those good reports that diverce have brought home from you, etc.

These letters were dated Des. 21: 1622.

So farr of this leter.

This ship was brought by Mr. John Peirce, and set out at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These passengers, and the goods the company sent in her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed with him to be delivered hear. This was he in whose name their first patente was taken, by reason of aquaintance, and some aliance that some of their freinds had with him. But his name was only used in trust. But when he saw they were hear hopfully thus seated, and by the success God gave them hall obtained the favour of the Counsell of New-England, he goes and sues to them for al,, other patent of much larger extente (in their names), which was easily obtained.But he mente to keep it to him selfe and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which follows. But the Lord marvelously crost him; for after this first returne, and the charge above mentioned, when shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and taks in more passengers, and those not very good to help to bear his losses, and sets out the 2. time. But what the event was will appear from another leter from one of the cheefe of the company, dated the 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to the Govr hear, as followeth.

when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des: I litle thought to have seen Mr. John Peirce till he had brought some good tidings. from you. But it pleased God, he brought us the wofull tidings of his returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin the goodnes and mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Peirce, etc., and the companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, etc.

Now with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Peirce to assigne over the grand patente to the companie, which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke that the hand of God was justly against him, both the first and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for the company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you and us tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd and disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingnes to part with his royall Lordship, and the high-rate he set it at, which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with charge aboute the passengers, 640li., etc.

We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. tunes, caled the Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to being 60. passengers and 60. tune of goods, etc.

This was dated Aprill 9. 1623

These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans dealing and proceedings; for I thought it more meete to render them in theirs then my owne words. And yet though ther was never got otherrecompence thenthe resignationof this patente, and the shares he had in adventure, for all the former great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued them in most of the cheefe courts in England, and when he was still cast, brought it to the Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I will leave him to the Lord.

This ship suffered the greatest extreemitie- at sea at her 2. returne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be saved; as I have been informed by Mr. William Peirce who was then mr of her, and many others that were passengers in her. It was aboute the midle of Feb: The storme was for the most parte of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days and nights togeather in most violent extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, the storme beat of their round house and all their uper words; 3. men had worke enough at the helme, and he' that cundthe ship before the sea, was faine to be bound fast for washing away; the seas did so overrake them, as many times those upon the decke knew not whether they were within bord or withoute; and once she was so foundered in the sea as they all thought she would never rise againe. But yet the Lord preserved them, and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to the wonder of all men that saw in what a case she was in, and heard what they had endured.

About the aater end of June carne in a ship, with Captaine Francis West,z who had a commission to be admirall of NewEngland, to restraine interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as carne to fish and trade without a licence from the Counsell of New-England, for which they should pay a round sume of money. But he could doe no good of them, for they were to stronge for him, and he found the fisher men to be stuberne fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to the Parlemente,procured an order that fishing should be free. He tould the Govr they spooke with a ship at sea, and were abord her, that was coming for this plantation, in which were sundrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage; for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after they had been abord. Which relation filled them full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The mr of this ship had some 2. hh of pease to sell, but seeing their wants, held them at 911. sterling a hoggshead, and under 811. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at an under rate. But they tould him they had lived so long without, and would doe still, rather then give so unreasonably. So they went from hence to Virginia.

[I may not here omite how, notwithstand all their great paines and industrie, and the great hops of a large cropp, the Lord seemed to blast, and take away the same, and to threaten further and more sore famine unto them, by a great drought which continued from the 3. weeke in May, till about the midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat (for the most parte), insomuch as the come begane to wither away, though it was set with fishe, the moysture wherof helped it much. Yet at length it begane to languish sore, and some of the drier grounds were partched like withered hay, part wherof was never recovered. Upon which they sett a parte a solemne day of humilliation, to seek the Lord by humble and fervente prayer, in this great distrese. And he was pleased to give them a gracious and speedy answer, both to thier owne and the Indeans admiration, that lived amongest them. For all the morning, and greatest part of the day, it was clear weather and very hotte, and not a cloud or any signe of raine I to be seen, yet toward evening it begane to overcast, and shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle showers, as gave them cause of rejoyceing, and blesing God. It came, without either wind, or thunder, or any violence, and by degreese in that abundance, as that the earth was thorowly wete and soked therwith. Which did so apparently revive and quicken the decayed come and other fruits, as was wonderfull to see, and made the Indeans astonished to behold; and afterwards the Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, with enterchange of faire warme weather, as, through his blessing, caused a fruitfull and liberall harvest, to their no small comforte and rejoycing. For which mercie (in time conveniente) they also sett aparte a day of thanksgiveing. This being overslipt in its place, I thought meet here to inserte the same.]

About 14. days after came in this ship, caled the Anne, wherof Mr. William Peirce was Mr, and aboute a weeke or 10. days after came in the pinass which in foule weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of about 44. tune, which the company had builte to stay in the cuntrie.2 They brought about 60. persons for the generall, some of them being very usefulpersons, and became good members to the body, and some were the wives and children of shuch as were hear all ready. And some were so bad, as they were faine to be at charge to send them home againe the next year. Also, besids these ther came a company, that did not belong to the generall body, but came one [on] their perticuler, and were to have lands assigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be subjecte to the generall Goverment; which caused some diferance and disturbance amongst them, as will after appeare. I shall hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things out of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather to manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, then in my owne, as much as may be, without tediousness

Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your health, and wellfare, being right sorie that no supplie hath been made to you all this while; for defence wher of, I must referr you to our generall leters. Naitheir indeed have we now sent you many things, which we should and would, for want of money. But persons, more then inough, (though not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but monys come creep. ing in to us. Some few of your old freinds are come, as, etc. So they come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye them all. And because people press so hard upon us to goe, and often shuch as are none of the fitest, I pray you write ernestly to the Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente. It greeveth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet had I not been hear they had been weaker. You must still call upon the company hear to see that honest men be sente you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, etc. We are not any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, calve without my consente; but the importunitie of their freinds got promise of our Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we should take any lewd men, for we may have honest men enero, etc.

The following was from the genrall.

Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and harty affection; being yet in hope that the same God which hath hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue your lives and health, to his owne praise and all our comforts. Being right sory that you have not been sent unto all this time, etc. We have in this ship sent shuch women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands and freinds, with their children, etc. We would not have you discontente, because we have not sent you more of your old freinds, and in spetiall, himon whom you most depend. Farr be it from us to neclecte you, or contemne him. But as the intente was at first, so the evente at last shall shew it, that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer your expectations to the full. Ther are alos come unto you, some honest meset to plant upon their particulers besids you. A thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong both them and you. Them, by puting them on things more inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will be a strength ening to the place, and good neighbours unto you. Tow things we would advise you of, which we have likwise signified them hear. First, the trade for skins to be retained for the generall till the devidente; 2ly. that their setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither inconvenient for the lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your speedy and easie assembling togeather.

We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, etc. Diverse other provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill of lading, and though we have not sent all we would (because our cash is small), yet it is that we could, etc.

And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more rivers and fertill grounds then that wher you are, yet seeing by Gods providence that place fell to your lote, let it be accounted as your portion; and rather fixe your eyes upon that which may be done ther, then languish in hops after things els-wher. If your place be not the best, it is better, you shall be the less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as are earthly minded, will not setle too near your border.If the land afford you bread, and the sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while contented, God will one day afford you better fare. And all men shall know you are neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so order it, take the worst to your selves, with contend [content], and leave the best to your neighbours, with cherfullnes.

Let it not be greeveous unto you that you have been instruments to breake the ise for others who come after with less dificulty, the honour shall be yours to the worlds end, etc.

We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is towards you all, as are the harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both doe and ever shall, that the same God which hath so marvelously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and glorious in blise at the last day. And so the Lord be with you all and send us joyfull news from you, and inable us with one shoulder so to accomplish and perfecte this worke as much glorie may come to Him that confoundeth the mighty by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To whose greatnes, be all glorie for ever and ever.

leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.

These passengers, when they saw their low and poore condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, and according to their diverse humores were diversly affected; some wished them selves in England againe; others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in what they saw now in others; other some pitying the distress they saw their freinds had been long in, and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadnes. Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them, and that it was no worse with them, for they could not expecte it should be better, and now hoped they should injoye better days togeather. And truly it was no marvell they should be thus affected, for they were in a very low condition, many were ragged in aparell, and some litle beter then halfe naked; though some that were well stord before, were well enough in this regard. But for food they were all alile, save some that had got a few pease of the ship that was last hear. The best dish they could presente their freinds with was a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any thing els but a cupp of fair spring water. And the long continuance of this diate, and their labours abroad, had something abated the freshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them health and strength in a good measure; and showed them by experience the truth of that word, Deut. S. 3. That man liveth not by bread only, but by every word that proeeedeth out of the mouth o f the Lord doth a man live.

When I think how sadly the scripture speaks of the famine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sones, Goe buy us food, that we may live and not dye. Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that the famine was great, or heavie in the land; and yet they had such great herds, and store of catle of sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh, must needs produse other food, as milke, butter and cheese, etc., and yet it was counted a sore affliction; theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who not only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these things, and had no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd them out of the sea for the most parte, so wonderfull is his providence over his in all ages; for his mercie endureth for ever.

On the other hand the old planters were affraid that their corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to the newcommers, whose provissions which they brought with them they feared would fall short before the year wente aboute (as indeed it did). They came to the Govr and besought him that as it was before agreed that they should set corne for their perticuler, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary pains ther aboute, that they might freely injoye the same, and they would not have a bitte of the victails now come, but watee till harvest for their owne, and let the new-commers injoye what they had brought; they would have none of it, excepte they could purchase any of it of them by bargaine or exchainge. Their requeste was granted them, for it gave both sides good contente; for the new-commers were as much afraid that the hungrie planters would have eat up the provissions brought, and they should have fallen into the like condition.

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by the help of many hands. Also they sente in her all the beaver and other furrs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over with her, to informe of all things, and procure such things as were thought needfull for their presente condition. By this time harvest was come, and in stead of famine, now God gave them plentie, and the face of things was changed, to the rejoysing of the harts of many, for which they blessed God. And the effect of their particuler planting was well scene, for all had, one way and other, pretty well to bring the year aboute, and some of the abler sorte and more industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them since to this day.

Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute building great houses, and such pleasant situations for them, as them selves had fancied; as if they would be great men and rich, all of a sudaine; but they proved castls in the aire. These were the conditions agreed on betweene the colony and them.

First, that the Govr, in the name and with the con sente of the company, doth in all love and frendship receive and imbrace them; and is to allote them competente places for habitations within the towne. And promiseth to shew them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable for them to desire, or us to performe.

2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such laws and orders as are already made, or hear after shall be, for the publiek good.

3. That they be freed and exempte from the generall imployments of the said company, (which their presente condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte commune defence, and such other imployments as tend to the perpetuall good of the collony.

4ly. Towards the maintenance of Gov', and publiek officers of the said collony, every male above the age of 16. years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or the worth of it, into the commune store.

5ly. That (according to the agreemente the marchants made with them before they came) they are to be wholy debared from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, and such like commodities, till the time of the comunallitie be ended.

About the midle of September arrived Captaine Robart Gorges ' in the Bay of the Massachusets, with sundrie passengers and families, intending ther to begine a plantation; and pitched upon the place Mr. Weston's people had forsaken. He had a commission from the Counsell of NewEngland, to be generall Gover of the cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell and assistance, Captaine Francis West, the aforesaid admirall, Christopher Levite, Esquire,' and the Govr of Plimoth for the time beeing, etc. Allso, they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave (by their commission) full power to him and his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe was allway to be one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, etc., with diverte other instructions. Of which, and his comission, it pleased him to suffer the Govr hear to take a coppy.

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before they could visite him he went to the eastward with the ship he came in; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those parts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his men were hear kindly entertained; he stayed hear 14. days. In the mean time came in Mr. Weston with his small ship, which he had now recovered. Captaine Gorges tooke hold of the opportunitie, and acquainted the Govr hear, that one occasion of his going to the eastward was to meete with Mr. Weston, and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to lay to his charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and some other of his assistants, with the Govr of this place; and charged him, first, with the ille carriage of his men at the Massachusets; by which means the peace of the cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe and the people which he had brought over to plante in that bay were therby much prejudised. To this Mr. Weston easily answered, that what was that way done, was in his absence, and might have befalen any man; he left them sufficently provided, and conceived they would have been well governed; and for any errour committed he had sufficiently smarted. This particuler was passed by. A 2d. was, for an abuse done to his father, Sr. Ferdenando Gorges, and to the State. The thing was this; he used him and others of the Counsell of NewEngland, to procure him a licence for the transporting of many peetes of great ordnance for New-England, pretending great fortification hear in the countrie, and I know not what shipping. The which when he had obtained, he went and sould them beyond seas for his private profite; for which (he said) the State was much offended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to apprehend him for it. Mr. Weston excused it as well as he could, but could not deney it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he with-drew himself. But after many passages, by the mediation of the Govr and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes (though he aprehended the abuse of his father deeply); which, when Mr. Weston saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such provocking and cutting speches, as made him rise up in great indignation and distemper, and vowed that he would either curb him, or send him home for England. At which Mr. Weston was something danted, and came privatly to the Govr hear, to know whether they would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He was tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed him, that after they had pacified things, he should thus breake out, by his owne folly and rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe and them too. He confest it was his passion, and prayd the Govr to entreat for him, and pacific him if he could. The which at last he did, with much adoe; so he was called againe, and the Govr was contente to take his owne bond to be ready to make further answer, when either he or the lords should send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and ther was a freindly parting on all hands.

But after he was gone, Mr. Weston in lue of thanks to the Gor and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind their baks) for all their pains. That though they were but yonge justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly after the Govr tooke his leave and went to the Massachusets by land, being very thankfull for his kind entertainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther to deliver; and with her returned sundrie of those from hence which came over on their perticuler, some out of discontente and dislike of the cuntrie; others by reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt the houses they lived in, and all their provisions so as they were necessitated therunto. This fire was occasioned by some of the sea-men that were roystering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in very could weather, which broke out of the chimney into the thatch, and burnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and consumed all the goods and provissions in them. The house in which it begane was right against their store-house, which they had much adoe to save, in which were their commone store and all their provissions; the which if it had been lost, the plantation had been overthrowne. But through Gods mercie it was saved by the great dilligence of the people, and care of the Govr and some aboute him. Some would have had the goods throwne out; but if they had, ther would much have been stolne by the rude company that belonged to these 2. ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company was plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloaths and other means kept of the fire without, that if necessitie required they might have them out with all speed. For they suspected some malicious dealing, if not plaine treacherie, and whether it was only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine, that when the tumulte was greatest, ther was a voyce heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid them looke well aboute them, for all were not freinds that were near them.

And shortly after, when the vemencie of the fire was over, smoke was seen to arise within a shed that was joynd to the end of the store-house, which was wasted up with bowes, in the withered leaves wherof the fire was kindled, which some, running to quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe lying under the wale on the inside, which could not possibly come their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, in the judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from this deanger, what ever was intended.

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, the generall Govr, was come home to the Massachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest Mr. Weston and his ship, and sends a mr to bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged to him) to conducte him along. The Govr and others hear were very sory to see him take this course, and tooke exception at the warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to disswade him from this course, skewing him that he would but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this; for he could not doe Mr. Weston a better turne, (as things stood with him); for he had a great many men that belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged to them for wages, and was in a manner out of victails (and now winter) ; all which would light upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In the mean time Mr. Weston had notice to shift for him selfe; but it was conceived he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend him selfe, but was rather glad of the occasion, and so stirred not. But the Govr would not be perswaded, but sent a very formall warrente under his hand and seall, with strict charge as they would answere it to the state; he also write that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and he could not answer it to let him goe so; besids other things that were come to his knowledg since, which he must answer too. So he was suffered to proceede, but he found in the end that to be true that was tould him; for when an inventorie was taken of what was in the ship, ther was not vitailes found for above 14. days, at a fare allowance, and not much else of any great worth, and the men did so crie out of him for wages and diate, in the mean time, as made him soone weary. So as in conclusion it turned to his loss, and the expence of his owne provissions; and towards the spring they came to agreement, (after they had bene to the eastward,) and the Govr restord him his vessell againe, and made him satisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, for what he had made use of that was his, or what his men had any way wasted or consumed. So Mr. Weston came hither againe, and afterward shaped his course for Virginie, and so for present I shall leave him.

The Govr and some that depended upon him returned for England, haveing scarcly saluted the cuntrie in his Govermente, not finding the state of things hear to answer his quallitie and condition. The peopl dispersed them selves, some went for England, others for Virginia, some few remained, and were helped with supplies from hence. The Govr brought over a minister with him, one Mr. Morell, who, about a year after the Govr returned, tooke shipping from hence.He had I know not what power and authority of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and sundrie instructions for that end; but he never skewed it, or made any use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going away. This was in effect the end of a 2. plantation in that place. Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings made in other places, as at Paskataway, by Mr. David Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other places by sundrie others.

It rests now that I speake a word aboute the pinnass spoken of before, which was sent by the adventurers to be imployed in the cuntrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out, and I fear the adventurers did over pride them selves in her, for she had ill success. How ever, they erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first, though she had a suffciente maister, yet she was rudly manned,and all her men were upon shars, and none was to have any wages but the mr. 2ly, wheras they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any value to trade with. When the men came hear, and mette with ill counselfrom Mr. Weston and his crue, with others of the same stampe, neither mr nor Govr could scarce rule them, for they exclaimed that they were abused and deceived, for they were tould they should goe for a man of wary, and take I know not whom, French and Spaniards, etc. They would neither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in fine, they would obey no command of the maisters; so it was apprehended they would either rune away with the vessell, or get away with the ships, and leave her; so as Mr. Peirce and others of their freinds perswaded the Govr to chafing their condition, and give them wages; which was accordingly done. And she was sente about the Cape to the Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they got, but the Dutch used to furnish them with cloath and better commodities, they haveing only a few beads and knives, which were not ther much esteemed. Allso, in her returne home, at the very entrance into ther owne harbore, she had like to have been cast away in a storme, and was forced to cut her Maine mast by the bord, to save herselfe from driving on the flats that lye without, i caled Browns Ilands,the force of the wind being so great as made her anchors give way and she drive right upon them; but her mast and takling being gone, they held her till the wind shifted.

THE time of new election of ther officers for this year being come, and the number of their people increased, and their troubls and occasions therwith, the Govr desired them to chainge the persons, as well as renew the election;and also to adde more Assistans to the Govr for help and counsel', and the better carrying on of affairs. Showing that it was necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it was fitte others should be made pertakers of it; if it was a burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should help to bear it; and that this was the endof Annuall Elections. The issue was, that as before ther was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the Govr a duble voyce; and aftwards they increased them to 7. which course hath continued to this day.

They having with some truble and charge new-masted and rigged their pinass, in the begining of March they sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove,and was there well harbored in a place whey ships used to ride, ther being also some ships allready arived out of England. But shortly after ther arose such a violent and extraordinarie storme, as the seas broak over such places in the harbor as was never scene before, and drive her against great roks, which beat such a hole in her bulke, as a horse and carte might have gone in, and after They having with some truble and charge new-masted and rigged their pinass, in the begining of March they sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove,and was there well harbored in a place whey ships used to ride, ther being also some ships allready arived out of England. But shortly after ther arose such a violent and extraordinarie storme, as the seas broak over such places in the harbor as was never scene before, and drive her against great roks, which beat such a hole in her bulke, as a horse and carte might have gone in, and after drive her into deep-water, whey she lay sunke. The mr, was drowned, the rest of the men, all save one, saved their lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and what els was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to lye till afterward.

Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, begane privatlyto nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong faction that was among the adventurers in England, on whom sundry of them did depend, by their private whispering they drew some of the weaker sorte of the company to their side, and so filld them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie them excepte they might be suffered to be in their perticuler allso; and made great offers, so they might be freed from the generall. The Govr consulting with the ablest of the generall body what was best to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe, upon equall conditions. The conditions were the same in effect with the former before related. Only some more added, as that they should be bound here to remaine till the generall partnership was ended. And also that they should pay into the store, the on halfe of all such goods and comodities as they should any waise raise above their food, in consideration of what charg had been layed out for them, with some such like things. This liberty granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that undertooke this course when it came too; and they were as cone weary of it. For the other had perswaded them, and Mr. Weston togeather, that ther would never come more supply to the generall body; but the perticulers had such freinds as would carry all, and doe for them I know not what.

Shortly after, Mr. Winslow came over, and brought a prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers and a bull, the first begining of any catle of that kind in the land, with some cloathing and other necessaries, as will further appear; but withal) the reporte of a strong faction amongst the adventure[r]s against them, and espetially against the coming of the rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply was procured, and how, by their strong and long opposision, bussines was so retarded as not only they were now falne too late for the fishing season, but the best men were taken up of the fishermen in the west countrie, and he was foret to take such a Mr. and company for that imployment as he could procure upon the present. Some letters from them shall beter declare these things, being as followeth.

Most worthy and loving freinds, your kind and loving leters I have received, and render you many thanks, etc. It hath plased God to stirre up the harts of our adventure[r]s to raise a new stock for the seting forth of this shipe, caled the Charitie, with men and necessaries, both for the plantation and the fishing, though accomplished with very great difficulty; in regard we have some amongst us which undoubtedly aime more at their owne private ends, and the thwarting and opposing of some hear, and other worthy instruments,of Gods glory elswher, then at the generall good and furtherance of this noble and laudable action. Yet againe we have many other, and I hope the greatest parte, very honest Christian men, which I am perswaded their ends and intents are wholy for the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the propagation of his gospell, and hope of gaining those poore salvages to the knowledg of God. But, as we have a proverbe, One seabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these malecontented persons, and turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to withdraw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from the generall bussines; and yet under show and pretence of godlynes and furtherance of the plantation. Wheras the quite contrary doth plainly appeare; as some of the honester harted men (though of late of their faction) did make manifest at our late meeting. But what should I trouble you or my selfe with these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte will be continual) disturbers of our frendly meetings and love. On Thurs-day the 8. of Jan: we had a meeting aboute the artickls betweene you and us; wher they would rejette that, which we in our late leters prest you to grante, (an addition to the time of our joynt stock). And their reason which they would make known to us was, it trobled their conscience to exacte longer time of you then was agreed upon at the first. But that night they were so followed and crost of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, and offered to sell their adventurs; and some were willing to buy. But I, doubting they would raise more scandale and false reports, and so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of in such a furie, then they could or can by continuing adventurers amongst us, would not suffer them. But on the 12. of Jan: we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of us had talked with most of them privatly, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and con. But at night when we mete to read the general] letter, we had the loveingest and frendlyest meeting that ever I knewand our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50li. So I sent for a potle of wine, (I would you coulddoe the like,) which we dranke freindly together. Thus God can turne the harts of men when it pleaseth him, etc. Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you all in the Lord, hoping ever to rest,

Beloved Sr., etc. We have now sent you, we hope, men and means, to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, and boat making; if you can bring them to pass to some perfection, your wants may be supplyed. I pray you bend you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses. Let the ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to BilbowYou must send some discreete man for fattore, whom, once more, you must also authorise to confirme the conditions. If Mr. Winslow could be spared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is thought to be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no doubte doe you much good. Let him have an absolute comand over his servants and such as you put to him. Let him build you 2. catches, a lighter, and some 6. or 7. shalops, as soone as you can. The salt-man is a skillfull and industrious man, put some to him, that may quickly apprehende the misterie of it. The preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man, though none of the most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing him into office use your owne liberty and discretion; he knows he is no officer amongst you, though perhaps custome and universalitie may make him forget him selfe. Mr. Winslow and my selfe gave way to his going, to give contente to some hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his great charge of children.

We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, etc.I am sory ther is no more discretion used by some in their leters hither.Some say you are starved in body and soule; others, that you eate piggs and doggs, that dye alone; others, that the things hear spoaken of, the goodnes of the cuntry, are gross and palpable lyes; that ther is scarce a foule to be seene, or a fish to be taken, and many such like. I would such discontented men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when the whole state of a plantation shall be thus exposed to the passionate humors of some discontented men. And for my selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some that would goe, and have not better composed their affections; mean space it is all our crosses, and we must bear them.

I am sorie we have not sent you morel and other things, but in truth we have rune into so much charge, to victaile the ship, provide salte and other fishing implements, etc. as we could not provid other comfortable things, as buter, suger, etc. I hope the returne of this ship and the James,will put us in cash againe. The Lord make you full of courage in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, till God give us rest from our labours. Fare well in all harty affection.

With the former lettter write by Mr. Sherley, there were sente sundrie objections concerning which he thus writeth. "These are the cheefe objections which they that are now returned make against you and the countrie. I pray you consider them, and answer them by the first conveniencie." These objections were made by some of those that came overon their perticulerand were returned home, as is before mentioned, and were of the same suite with those that this other letter mentions.

I shall here set them downe, with the answer then made unto them, and sent over at the returne of this ship; which did so confound the objecters, as some confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, and some others of them have since come over againe and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both in their owne and other mens judgments.

1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion. Ans: We know no such matter, for here was never any controversie or opposition, either publicke or private, (to our knowledg,) since we came.

2. ob: Neglette of familie duties, one the Lords day. Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our selves and others; and they that thus reporte it, should have shewed their Christian love the more if they had in love tould the offenders of it, rather then thus to reproach them behind their baks. But (to say no more) we wish them selves had given better example.

3. ob : Wante of both the sacrements

Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept from us, by whom we might injoye them; for we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to baptise.

4. ob : Children not catechised nor taught to read.

Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with their owne as they can; indeede, we have no commone schoole for want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means to maintaine one; though we desire now to begine.

5. ob : Many of the perticuler members of the plantation will not work for the generall.

Ans: This allso is not wholy true; for though some doe it not willingly, and other not honestly, yet all doe it; and he that doth worst gets his owne foode and something besids. But we will not excuse them, but labour to reforme them the best we cane, or else to quitte the plantation of them.

6. ob : The water is not wholsome.

Ans: If they mean, not so wholsome as the good beere and wine in London, (which they so dearly love,) we will not dispute with them; but els, for water, it is as good as any in the world, (for ought we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to us that can be contente therwith.

7. ob : The ground is barren and doth bear no grasse.

Ans : It is hear (as in all places) some better and some worse; and if they well consider their words, in England they shall not find such grasse in them, as in their feelds and meadows. The catle find grasse, for they are as fatt as need be; we wish we had but one for every hundred that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as some other, are ridiculous to all here which see and know the contrary.

8. ob : The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete.

Ans: This is as true as that which was written, that ther is scarce a foule to be seene or a fish to be taken. Things likly to be true in a cuntrie wher so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing; they might as well say, there can no aile or beere in London be kept from sowering.

9. ob: Many of them are theevish and steale on from an other.

Ans: Would London had been free from that crime, then we should not have been trobled with these here; it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, and so are the rest like to doe, if they be taken.

10. ob: The countrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.Ans: So are many other good cuntries too; but poyson, traps, and other such means will help to destroy them.

11. ob : The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay,and are likely to overthrow the trade.

Ans : They will come and plante in these parts, also, if we and others doe not, but goe home and leave it to them. We rather commend them, then condemne them for it.

12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes. Ans: They are too delicate and unfitte to begine newplantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto ; we would wish such to keepe at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as free as any, and experience teacheth that the more the land is tild, and the woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarse any at all.

Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle things togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other letters from Mr. Robinson their pastor; the one to the Govr, the other to Mr. Brewster their Elder, which will give much light to the former things, and express the tender love and care of a true pastor over them.

My loving and much beloved freind, whom God hath hithertoo preserved, preserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and the good of many; that his blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours answerable to the valuation which they ther have, and set upon the same. Of your love too and care for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad to take knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe. Our love and care to and for you, is mutuall, though our hopes of coming unto you be small, and weaker then ever. But of this at large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with whom you, and he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as I desire you may doe these, etc.

Concerning the killing of those poor Indeans, of which we heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation, oh l how happy a thing had it been, if you had converted some, before you had killed any; besids, wher blond is one begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched of a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it; but upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish Christians?Besids, you, being no magistrats over them, were to consider, not what they deserved, but what you were by necessitie constrained to inflitte. Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so many, (and many more, it seems, they would, if they could,) I see not. Methinks onor tow principals should have been full enough, according to that approved rule, The punishmente to a few, and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you seriouly to consider of the dispossition of your Captaine,whom I love, and am perswaded the Lord in great mercie and for much good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He is a man humble and meek amongst you, and towards all in ordinarie course. But now if this be meerly from an humane spirite, ther is cause to fear that by occasion, espetially of provocation, ther may be wanting that tendernes of the life of man (made after Gods image) which is meete. It is also a thing more glorious in mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians, to be a terrour to poore barbarous people; and indeed I am afraid least, by these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a kind of rufling course intheworld. I doubt not buy you will take in good part these things which I write, and as ther is cause make use of them. It were to us more comfortable and convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in presence, but seeing that canot be done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and waite Gods apoynted time. The adventurers it seems have neither money nor any great mind of us, for the most parte. They deney it to be any part of the covenants betwixte us, that they should transporte us, neither doe I looke for any f urther help from them, till means come from you. We hear are strangers in effecte to the whole course, and so both we and you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you further) of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessaries, etc. My wife, with me, resalute you and yours. Unto him who is the same to his in all places, and nere to them which are farr from one an other, I comend you and all with you, resting,

Loving and dear freind and brother: That which I most desired of God in regard of you, namly, the continuance of your life and health, and the safe coming of these sent unto you, that I most gladly hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope Mrs. Brewsters weake and decayed state of body will have some reparing by the coming of her daughters, and the provissions in this and former ships, I hear is made for you; which maks us with more patience bear our languishing state, and the deferring of our desired transportation; which I call desired, rather than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand by any others. For first, ther is no hope at all, that I know, or can conceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end; so that all must depend upon returns from you, in which are so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence be concluded. Besids, howsoever for the presente the adventurers aledg nothing but want of money, which is an invincible difculty, yet if that be taken away by you, others without doubte will be found. For the beter clearing of this, we must dispose the adventurers into 3. parts; and of them some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, above any others. Other 5. or 6. are our bitter professed adversaries. The rest, being the body, I conceive to be honestly minded, and loveingly also towards us; yet such as have others (namly the forward preachers) nerer unto them, then us, and whose course so farr as ther is any differance, they would rather advance then ours. Now what a hanckthese men have over the professors, you know. And I perswade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling I should be transported, espetially such of them as have an eye that way them selves; as thinking if I come ther, ther market will be mard in many regards. And for these adversaries, if they have but halfe the witte to their malice, they will stope my course when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth them very opportunly. And as one restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or 3. can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw forward, so will it be in this case. A notable experimente of this, they gave in your messengers presence, constraining the company to promise that none of the money now gathered should be expended or imployed to the help of any of us towards you. Now touching the question propounded by you, I judg it not lawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 12. 7. 8. and 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach and exhorte and labore in the word and doctrine, to which the sacrements are annexed, to administer them, nor convenient if it were lawfull. Whether any larned man will come unto you or not, I know not; if any doe, you must Consilium eapere in arena.Be you most hartily saluted, and your wife with you, both from me and -nine. Your God and ours, and the God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while, and allways to his glory, and make us servisable to his majestie, and faithfull to the end. Amen.

Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestic and the adventurers aboute the French discipline, you doe us wrong, for we both hold and practice the discipline of the French and other reformed churches, (as they have published the same in the Harmony of Confessions,) according to our means, in effecte and substance. But wheras you would tye us to the French discipline in every circumstance, you derogate from the libertie we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have none to follow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, much less ought any Christian or church in the world to doe it. The French may erre, we may erre, and other churches may erre, and doubtless doe in many circumstances. That honour therfore belongs only to the infallible word of God, and pure Testamente of Christ, to be propounded and followed as the only rule and pattern for direction herin to all churches and Christians. And it is too great arrogantie for any man, or church to thinke that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bottome, as precislie to sett downe the churches discipline, without error in substance or circumstance, as that no other without blame may digress or differ in any thing from the same. And it is not difhculte to skew, that the reformed churches differ in many circumstances amongest them selves.

Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and the evill we strove against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett you, nor our freindship and fellowship which togeather we have had some years; wherin though our expressions have been small, yet our harty affections towards you (unknown by face) have been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea, to our owne selves. And though this your freind Mr. Winslow can tell you the state of things hear, yet least we should seeme to neglette you, to whom, by a wonderful) providence of God, we are so nearly united, we have thought good once more to write unto you, to let you know what is here befallen, and the resons of it; as also our purposes and desirs toward you for hereafter.

The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dissolved from what it was; and wheras you and we were formerly sharers and partners, in all viages and deallings, this way is now no more, but you and we are left to bethinke our sellves what course to take in the future, that your lives and our monies be not lost.

The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these. First and mainly, the many losses and crosses at sea, and abuses of sea-men, which have caused us to rune into so much charge, debts, and ingagements, as our estats and means were not able to goe on without impoverishing our selves, except our estats had been greater, and our associate cloven beter unto us. 2ly, as here hath been a faction and siding amongst us now more then 2. years, so now there is an uter breach and sequestration amongst us, and in too parts of us a full dissertion and forsaking of you, without any intente or purpose of medling more with you. And though we are perswaded the maine cause of this their doing is wante of money, (for neede wherof men use to make many excuses,) yet other things are pretended, as that you are Brownists, etc. Now what use you or we ought to make of these things, it remaineth to be considered, for we know the hand of God to be in all these things, and no doubt he would admonish some thing therby, and to looke what is amide. And allthough it be now too late for us or you to prevent and stay these things, yet is it not to late to exercise patience, wisdom, and conscience in bearing them, and in caring our selves in and under them for the time to come.

And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all occasions that may tend to the furthrance of so hopefull a work, rather admiring of what is, then grudging for what is not; so it must rest in you to make all good againe. And if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let your honestie and conscience be still approved, and lose not one jote of your innocencie, amids your crosses and afflictions. And surly if you upon this allteration behave your selves wisly, and goe on fairly, as men whose hope is not in this life, you shall need no other weapon to. wound your adversaries; for when your righteousnes is revealled as the light, they shall cover their faces with shame, that causlesly have sought your overthrow.

Now we thinke it but reason, that all such things as ther apertaine to the generall, be kept and preserved togeather, and rather increased dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled away for any private ends or intents whatsoever. And after your necessities are served, you gather togeather such commodities as the cuntrie yeelds, and send them over to pay debts and clear ingagements hear, which are not less then 14001i. And we hope you will doe your best to free our ingagements, etc. Let us all indeavor to keep a faire and honest course, and see what time will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for us. We still are perswaded you are the people that must make a plantation in those remoate places when all others faile and returne. And your experience of Gods providence and preservation of you is such as we hope your harts will not faile you, though your freinds should forsake you (which we our selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long as your honestie so well appereeth). Yet surly help would arise from.some other place whilst you waite on God, with uprightnes, though we should leave you allso.

And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and carry your selves so uprightly in all your ways, as that no man may make just exceptions against you. And more espetially that the favour and countenance of God may be so toward you, as that you may find abundante joye and peace even amids tribulations, that you may say with David, Though my father and mother should forsake me, yet the Lord would take me up.

We have sent you hear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes, leather, etc., but in another nature then formerly, as it stood us in hand to doe; we have committed them to the charge and custody of Mr. Allerton and Mr. Win slow, as our factours, at whose discretion they are to be sould, and commodities to be taken for them, as is fitting. And by how much the more they will be chargable unto you, the bet[ter] they had need to be husbanded, etc. Goe on, good freinds, comfortably, pluck up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your difficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men, yet the work may goe on you are aboute, and not be neglected. Which is so much for the glorie of God, and the furthrance of our countrie-men, as that a man may with more comforte spend his life in it, then live the life of Mathusala, in wasting the plentie of a tilled land, or eating the fruite of a growne tree. Thus with harty salutations to you all, and harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our leaves, this 18. of Des: 1624.

By this leter it appears in what state the affairs of the plantation stood at this time. These goods they bought, but they were at deare rates, for they put 40. in the hundred upon them, for profite and adventure, outward bound; and because of the venture of the paiment homeward, they would have 30.2 in the 100. more, which was in all 70. pr. cent; a thing thought unreasonable by some, and too great an oppression upon the poore people, as their case stood. The catle were the best goods, for the other being ventured ware, were neither at the best (some of them) nor at the best prises. Sundrie of their freinds disliked these high rates, but comming from many hands, they could not help it.

They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne acounte; the one was the pinass that was cast away the last year hear in the cuntrie, and recovered by the planters, (as was before related,) who, after she came home, was attached by one of the company for his perticuler debte, and now sent againe on this accounte. The other was a great ship, who was well fitted with an experienced Mr and company of fisher-men, to make a viage, and to goe to Bilbo or Sabastians with her fish; the lesser, her order was to load with cor-fish,and to bring the beaver home for England that should be received for the goods sould to the plantation. This bigger ship made a great viage of good drie fish, the which, if they had gone to a market with, would have yeelded them (as such fish was sould that season) 1800li. which would have enriched them. But because ther was a bruite of warr with France, the mr neglected (through timerousnes) his order, and ;gut first into Plimoth, and after into Portsmouth, and so lost their opportunitie, and came by the loss. The lesser ship had as ill success, though she was as hopfull as the other for the marchants profite; for they had fild her with goodly cor-fish taken upon the banke, as full as she could swime; and besids she had some 800li. weaight of beaver, besids other furrs to a good value from the plantation. The mr seeing so much goods come, put it abord the biger ship, for more saftie; but Mr. Winslow (their factor in this busines) was bound in a bond of 500li. to send it to London in the smale ship; ther was some contending between the mr and him aboute it. But he touId the mr he would follow his order aboute it; if he would take it out afterward, it should be at his perill. So it went in the smale ship, and he sent bills of lading in both. The mr was so carfull being both so well laden, as they went joyfully home togeather, for he towed the leser ship at his sterne all the way over bound, and they had such fayr weather as he never cast her of till they were shott deep in to the English Chanell, almost within the sight of Plimoth; and yet ther she was unhaply taken by a Turks man of wary, and carried into Saly,2 wher the mr and men were made slaves, and many of the beaver skins were sould for 4d. a peece. Thus was all their hops dasht, and the joyfull news they ment to cary home turned to heavie tidings. Some thought this a hand of God for their too great exaction of the poore plantation, but Gods judgments are unseerchable, neither dare I be bould therwith; but however its shows us the uncertainty of all humane things, and what litle cause ther is of joying in them or trusting to them.

In the bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Standish from the plantation, with leters and instructions, both to their freinds of the company which still clave to them, and also to the Honourable Counsell of New-England. To the company to desire that seeing that they ment only to let them have goods upon sale, that they might have them upon easier termes, for they should never be able to bear such high intrest, or to allow so much per cent; also that what they would doe in that way that it might be disburst in money, or such goods as were fitte and needfull for them, and bought at best hand; and to aquainte them with the contents of his leters to the Counsell above said, which was to this purpose, to desire their favour and help;t hat such of the adventurers as had thus forsaken and deserted them, might be brought to some order, and not to keepe them bound, and them selves be free. But that they might either stand to ther former covenants, or ells come to some faire end, by dividente, or composition. But he came in a very bad time, for the Stat was full of trouble, and the plague very hote in London, so as no bussines could be done; yet he spake with some of the Honourd Co unsell, who promised all helpfullnes to the plantation which lay in them. And sundrie of their freinds the adventurers were so weakened with their losses the last year, by the losse of the ship taken by the Turks, and the loss of their fish, which by reason of the warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth, and so came to litle; so as, thought heir wills were good, yet theyr power was litle. And ther dyed such multituds weekly of the plague, as all trade was dead, and litle money stirring. Yet with much adooe he tooke up 150li. (and spent a good deal of it in expences) at 50. per cent. which he bestowed in trading goods and such other most needfull comodities as he knew requiset for their use; and so returned passengers in a fhishing ship, haveing prepared a good way for the composition that was afterward made.

In the mean time it pleased the Lord to give the plantation peace and health and contented minds, and so to blese ther labours, as they had corne sufficient, (and some to spare to others,) with other foode; neither ever had they any supply of foode but what they first brought with them. After harvest this year, they sende out a boats load of come 40. or 50. leagues to the eastward, up a river called Kenibeck; it being one of those 2. shalops which their carpenter had built them the year before; for bigger vessell had they none. They had laid a litle deck over her midships to keepe the corne drie, but the men were faine to stand it out all weathers without shelter; and that time of the year begins to growe tempestious. But God preserved them, and gave them good success, for they brought home 700li. of beaver, besids some other furrs, having litle or nothing els but this corne, which them selves had raised out of the earth. This viage was made by Mr. Win slow and some of the old standers, for seamen they had none.

ABOUT the begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Standish his arrivals, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and the things he had brought. Welcome he was, but the news he broughte was sadd in many regards; not only in regarde of the former losses, before related, which their freinds had suffered, by which some in a maner were undon, others much disabled from doing any further help, and some dead of the plague, but also that Mr. Robinson, their pastor, was dead, which struck them with much sorrow and sadnes, as they had cause. His and their adversaries had been long and continually plotting how they might hinder his coming hither, but the Lord had appointed him a better place; concerning whose death and the maner therof, it will appere by these few lines write to the Govr and Mr. Brewster.

I know not whether this will ever come to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have done; yet in regard of the Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear a parte with us, both in our joyes, and sorrows, as we doe with you. These are therfore to give you to understand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, your and our loving and faithfull pastor, and my dear and Revd brother, Ni r. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He begane to be sick on Saturday in the morning, yet the next day (being the Lords day) he taught us twise. And so the weeke after grew weaker, every day more then other; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all the time of his sicknes. The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to the very last. He fell sicke the 22. of Feb: and departed this life the 1. of March.He had a wall inwarde ague, but free from infection, so that all his freinds came freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, and performed his worke which the Lord had appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with the Lord in etemall hapines. We wanting him and all Church Gov~, yet we still (by the mercie Of God) continue and hould close togeather, in peace and quietnes; and so hope we shall doe, though we be very weake. Wishing (if such were the will of God) that you and we were againe united togeather in one, either ther or here; but seeing it is the will of the Lord thus to dispose of things, the must labour with patience to rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose. For news, is here not much; only as in England we have lost our old king James, who departed this life aboute a month agoe, so here they have lost the old prince, Grave Mourise;who both departed this life since my brother Robinson. And as in England we have a new-king Charts, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have made prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, etc. Thus with my love remembred, I take leave and rest,

Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this world near aboute one time. Death maks no difference.

He further brought them notice of the death of their anciente freind, Mr. Cash-man, whom the Lord tooke away allso this year, and aboute this time, who was as their right hand with their freinds the adventurers, and for diverte years had done and agitated all their bussines with them to ther great advantage. He had write to the Gover but some few months before, of the sore sicknes of Mr. James Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to the plantation, and lay at the pointe of death, declaring his love and helpfullnes, in all things; and much bemoned the loss they should have of him, if God should now take him away, as being the stay and life of the whole bussines. As allso his owne purposs this year to come over, and spend his days with them. But he that thus write of anothers sicknes, knew not that his owne death was so near. It shows allso that a mans ways are not in his owne power, but in his hands who hath the issues of life and death. Man may purpose, but God doth dispose.

Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to them full of sad laments for ther heavie loss; and though their wills were good to come to them, yet they saw no probabilitie of means, how it might be effected, but concluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and many, being aged, begane to drop away by death.

All which things (before related) being well weighed and laied togither, it could not but strick them with great perplexitie; and to looke humanly on the state of things as they presented them selves at this time, it is a marvell it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But they gathered up their spirits, and the Lord so helped them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they were at lowestthey begane to rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his devine providence, as they were not only upheld and sustained, but their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others; as by the sequell will more appeare, if the Lord spare me life and time to declare the same.

Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to intend, but only their trading and planting, they sett them selves to follow the same with the best industrie they could. The planters finding their corne, what they could spare from ther necessities, to be a commoditie, (for they sould it at 6s. a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting the same. And the Gover and such as were designed to manage the trade, (for it was retained for the generall good, and none were to trade in perticuler,) they followed it to the best advantage they could; and wanting trading goods, they understoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen, and belonged to some ants of Plimoth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould; the Gover and Mr. Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But Mr. David Thomson, who lived at Pascataway,understanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was some ante to them both; for they, perceiving their joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy all, and devid them equally between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as they saw neede and occasion, and tooke come for them of the people, which gave them good content. Their moyety of the goods came to above 400li. starling. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Sacadahock, in which were many Biscaie ruggs and other commodities, which were falen into these mens hands, and some other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to above 500 li. This they made shift to pay for, for the most part, with the beaver and comodities they had gott the winter before, and what they had gathered up that somer. Mr. Thomson having some things overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and the marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be paid the next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged for them and tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished for trade; and tooke of therby some other ingagments which lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine Standish, and the remains of former debts. With these goods, and their come after harvest, they gott good store of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagements against the time, and to get some cloathing for the people, and had some comodities before hand. But now they begane to be envied, and others wente and fild the Indeans with come, and beat downe the prise, giveing them twise as much as they had done, and under traded them in other comodities allso.

This year they sent Mr. Allerton into England, and gave him order to make a composition with the adventurers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some way had ben made the year before by Captaine Standish); but yet injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they knew the termes, and had well considered of them; but to drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr the conclusion to them. Also they gave him a commission under their hands and seals to take up some money, provided it exeeded not such a summe sp ecified, for which they engaged them selves, and gave him order how to lay out the same for the use of the plantation.

And finding they ranne a great hazard to goe so long viages in a smaae open boat, espetialy the winter season, they begane to thinke how they might gett a small pinass; as for the reason afforesaid, so also because others had raised the prise with the Indcans above the halfe of what they had formerly given, so as in such a boat they could not carry a quantity sufficient to answer their ends. They had no ship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at presente ; but they having an ingenious man that was a house carpenter, who also had wrought with the ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their boats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall that way of his skill; and tooke one of the bigest of ther shalops and sawed her in the midle, and so lenthened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so made her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt and comfortable for their use, which did them servise 7. years after; and they gott her finished, and fitted with sayles and anchors, the insuing year. And thus passed the affairs of this year.

AT the usuall season of the coming of ships Mr. Allerton returned, and brought some usfull goods with him, according to the order given him. For upon his commission he tooke up 200li. which he now got at 30. per cent. The which goods they gott safiy home, and well conditioned, which was much to the comfort and contente of the plantation. He declared unto them, allso, how, with much adoe and no small trouble, he had made a composition with the adventurers, by the help of sundrie of their faithfull freinds ther, who had allso tooke much pains ther about. The agreement or bargen he had brought a draught of, with a list of ther names ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell of law they could get, to make it firme. The heads wherof I shall here inserte.

Whereas at a meeting the 26. of October last past, diverse and sundrie persons, whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed in a schedule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New-Plimoth in New-England in America, were contented and agreed, in consideration of the sume of one thousand and eight hundred pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme falling,) to sell, and make sale of all and every the stocks, shares, lands, marchandise, and chatles, what soever, to the said adventurers, and other ther fellow adventurers to New Plimoth aforesaid, any way accruing, or belonging to the generalitie of the said adventurers aforesaid; as well by reason of any sume or sumes of money, or marchandise, at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by them, or other wise howsoever; for the better expression and setting forth of which said agreemente, the parties to these presents subscribing, doe for them selves severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargan, alien, sell, and transfere all and every the said shares, goods, lands, marchandise, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto Isaack Alerton, one of the planters resident at Plimoth afforesaid, assigned, and sent over as agente for the rest of the planters they, and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid as the said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall, shall by writing or otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or partake in the premisses, their heirs, and assignes, in as large, ample, and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes, as the said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, etc. to the said adven: in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belonging, the said adven: doe warrant and defend unto the said Isaack Allerton, his heirs and assignes, against them, their heirs and assignes, by these presents. And therfore the said Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs and assigns, covenant, promise, and grant too and with the adven: whose names are here unto subscribed, ther heirs, etc. well and truly to pay, or cause to be payed, unto the said adven: or 5. of them which were, at that meeting afforsaid, nominated and deputed, viz. John Pocock, John Beachamp, Robart Keane, Edward Base, and James Sherley, mar chants, their heirs, etc. too and for the use of the generallitie of them, the sume of 1800li. of lawfull money of England, at the place appoynted for the receipts of money, on the west side of the Royall Exchaing in London, by 200li. yearly, and every year, on the feast of St. Migchell, the first paiment to be made Ano: 1628, etc. Allso the said k is to indeavor to procure and obtaine from the planters of N., P. securitie, by severall obligations, or writings obligatory, to make paiment of the said sume of 1800li. in forme afforsaid, according to the true meaning of these presents. In testimonie wherof to this part of these presents remaining with the said Isaack Allerton, the said subscribing adven: have sett to their names, etc.And to the other part remaining with the said adven: the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his name, the 15. Nov br. An: 1626. in the 2. year of his Majesties raigne.

This agreemente was very well liked of, and approved by all the plantation, and consented unto; though they knew not well how to raise the payment and discharge their other ingagements, and supply the yearly wants of the plantation, seeing they were forced for their necessities to take up money or goods at so high intrests. Yet they undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of the cheefe of the place became joyntly bound for the paimente of this 1800li. (in the behalfe of the rest) at the severall days. In which they rane a great adventure, as their present state stood, having many other heavie burthens all ready upon them, and all things in an uncertaine condition amongst them. So the next returne it was absolutly cone firmed on both sids, and the bargen fairly ingrossed in partchmente and in many things put into better forme, by the advice of the learnedest counsell they could gett; and least any forfeiture should fall on the whole for none paimente at any of the days, it rane thus: to forfite 30s. a weeke if they missed the time; and was concluded under their hands and seals, as may be seen at large by the deed it selfe.

Now though they had some untowarde persons mixed amongst them from the first, which came out of England, and more afterwards by some of the adventurers, as freindship or other affections led them, though sundrie were gone, some for Virginia, and some to other places,-yet diverse were still mingled amongst them, about whom the Gover and counsell with other of ther cheefe freinds had serious consideration, how to setle things in regard of this new bargen or purchas made, in respecte of the distribution of things both for the presente and future. For the present, excepte peace and union were preserved, they should be able to doe nothing, but indanger to over throw all, now that other tyes and bonds were taken away. Therfore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all amongst them, that were either heads of families, or single yonge men, that were of abillity, and free, (and able to governe them selvs with meete descretion, and their affairs, so as to be helpfull in the comove-welth,) into this partnership or purchass. First, they considered that they had need of men and strength both for defence and carrying on of bussinesses. 2ly, most of them had borne ther parts in former miseries and wants with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equall to partake in a better condition, if the Lord be pleased to give it. But cheefly they saw not how peace would be preserved without so doing, but danger and great disturbance might grow to their great hurte and prejudice other wise. Yet they resolved to keep such a mean in distribution of lands, and other courses, as should not hinder their growth in others coming to them.

So they caled the company togeather, and conferred with them, and came to this conclusion, that the trade should be managed as before, to help to pay the debts; and all such persons as were above named should be reputed and inrouled for purchasers; single free men to have a single share, and every father of a familie to be slowed to purchass so many shares as he had persons in his family; that is to say, one for him wife, and one for his wife, and for every child that he had living with him, one. As for servants, they had none, but what either their maisters should give them out of theirs, or their deservings should obtaine from the company afterwards. Thus all were to be cast into single shares according to the order abovesaid; and so every one was to pay his part according to his proportion towards the purchass, and all other debts, what the profite of the trade would not reach too; viz. a single man for a single share, a maister of a famalie for so many as lie had. This gave all good contente. And first accordingly the few catle which they had were devided,l which arose to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons or shars, and 2. goats to the same, which were first equalised for age and goodnes, and then lotted for; single persons consorting with others, as they thought good, and smaler familys likwise; and swine though more in number, yet by the same rule. Then they agreed that every person or share should have 20. acres of land de them, besids the single acres they had allready; and they appoynted were to begin first on the one side of the towne, and how farr to goe; and then on the other side in like manor; and so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by name to doe it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to proceed by; as that they should only lay out settable or tillable land, at least such of it as should butt on the water side, (as the most they were to lay out did,) and pass by the rest as refuse and commune; and what they judged fitte should be so taken. And they were first to agree of the goodnes and fitnes of it before the lott was drawne, and so it might as well prove some of ther owne, as an other mans; and this course they were to houId throwout. But yet seekeing to keepe the people togither, as much as might be, they allso agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before any lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall next the towne, or most conveninte for nearnes, they should take to them a neigboure or tow, whom they best liked; and should suffer them to plant come with them for 4. years; and afterwards they might use as much of theirs for as long time, if they would. Allso every share or 20. acres was to be laid out 5. acres in breadth by the water side, and 4. acres in lenght, excepting nooks and corners, which were to be measured as they would bear to best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor were not of many years after, because they were but streight of meadow grounds; and if they had bene now given out, it would have kindred all addition to them afterwards; but every season all were appoynted wher they should mowe, according to the proportion of cable they had. This distribution gave generally good contente, and setled mens minds. Also they gave the Gower and 4. or 5. of the spetiall men amongst them, the houses they lived in; the rest were valued and equalised at an indiferent rate, and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a better alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as the vaulation wente.

Ther is one thing that fell out in the begining of the winter before, which I have refferred to this place, that I may handle the whole matter togeither. Ther was a ship, with many passengers in her and sundrie goods, bound for Virginia. They had lost them selves at sea, either by the insufficiencie of the maister, or his ilnes; for he was sick and lame of the scurvie, so that he could but lye in the cabin dore, and give direction; and it should seeme was badly assisted either with mate or mariners; or else the fear and unrulines of the passengers were such, as they made them stear a course betweene the southwest and the norwest, that they might fall with some land, what soever it was they cared not. For they had been 6. weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any woode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske; only one of the company had a hogshead of wine or 2. which was allso allmost spente, so as they feared they should be starved at sea, or consumed with diseases, which made them rune this desperate course. But it plased God that though they came so neare the shoulds of Cap-Codd or else ran stumbling over them in the night, they knew not how, they came right before a small blind harbor e, that lyes about the midle of Manamoyake Bay, to the southward of Cap-Codd,with a small gale of wind; and about high water toucht upon a barr of sand that lyes before but had no hurte, the sea being smoth; so they laid out an anchore. But towards the evening the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so rough, as broake their cable, and beat them over the barr into the harbor, wher they saved their lives and goods, though much were hurte with salt water; for with beating they had sprung the but end of a planke or too, and beat out ther occome;but they were soone over, and ran on a drie fiate within the harbor, close by a beach; so at low water they gatt out their goods on drie shore, and dried those that were wette, and saved most of their things without any great loss; neither was the ship much hurt, but shee might be mended, and made servisable againe. But though they were not a Title glad that they had thus saved their lives, yet when they had a litle refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on their condition, not knowing whey they were, nor what they should doe, they begane to be strucken with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Indians come to them in canows, which made them stand upon their gard. But when they heard some of the Indeans speake English unto them, they were not a litle revived, especially when they heard them demand if they were the Gower of Plimoths men, or freinds; and that they would bring them to the English houses, or carry their letters.

They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many giftes; and sente 2. men and a letter with them to the Gover, and did intreat him to send a boat unto them, with some pitch, and occume, and spiks, with divers other necessaries for the mending of ther ship (which was recoverable). Allso they besought him to help them with some come and sundrie other things they wanted, to enable them to make their viage to Virginia; and they should be much bound to him, and would make satisfaction for any thing they had, in any comodities they had abord. After the Gower was well informed by the messengers of their condition, he caused a boate to be made ready, and such things to be provided as they write for; and because others were abroad upon trading, and such other affairs, as had been fitte to send unto them, he went him selfe, and allso carried some trading comodities, to buy them come of the Indeans. It was no season of the year to goe withoute the Cape, but understanding wher the ship lay, he went into the bottom of the bay, on the inside, and put into a crick called Naumskachett,l wher it is not much above 2. mile over land to the bay wher they were, wher he had the Indeans ready to cary over any thing to them. Of his arrivall they were very glad, and received the things to mend ther ship, and other necessaries. Allso he bought them as much come as they would have; and wheras some of their sea -men were rune away amonge the Indeans, he procured their returne to the ship, and so left them well furnished and contented, being very thankfull for the curtesies they receaved. But after the Gower thus left them, he went into some other harbors ther aboute and loaded his boat with come, which he traded, and so went home. But he had not been at home many days, but he had notice from them, that by the violence of a great storme, and the bad morring of their ship (after she was mended) she was put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now w holy unfitte to goe to sea. And so their request was that they might have leave to repaire to them, and soujourne with them, till they could have means to convey them selves to Virginia; and that they might have means to transport their goods, and they would pay for the same, or any thing els when with the plantation should releeve them. Considering their distres, their requests were granted, and all helpfullnes done unto them; their goods transported, and them selves and goods sheltered in their houses as well as they could.

The cheefe amongst these people was one Mr. Fells and Mr. Sibsie, which had many servants belonging unto them, many of them being Irish. Some others ther were that had a servante or 2. a peece; but the most were servants, and such as were ingaged to the former persons, who allso had the most goods. Affter they were hither come, and some thing setled, the maisters desired some ground to imploye ther servants upon; seing it was like to be the latter end of the year before they could have passage for Virginia, and they had now the winter before them; they might clear some ground, and plant a trope (seeing they had tools, and necessaries for the same) to help to bear their charge, and keep their servants in inployment; and if they had oppertunitie to departe before the same was ripe, they would sell it on the ground. So they had ground appointed them in convenient places, and Fells and some other of them raised a great deall of come, which they sould at their departure. This Fells, amongst his other servants had a maid servante which kept his house and did his household affairs, and by the intimation of some that belonged to him, he was suspected to keep her, as his concubine; and both of them were examined ther upon, but nothing could be proved, and they stood upon their justification; so with admonition they were dismiste. But afterward it appeard she was with child, so he gott a small boat, and ran away with her, for fear of punishmente. First he went to Cap-Anne, and after into the bay of the Massachussets, but could get no passage, and had like to have been cast away; and was forst to come againe and submite him selfe; but they pact him away and those that belonged unto him by the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest as soone as could, being many untoward people amongst them; though ther were allso some that caried them selves very orderly all the time they stayed. And the plantation had some benefite by them, in selling them come and other provisions of food for cloathing; for they had of diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, and other stuffs, besids hose, and shoes, and such like commodities as the planters stood in need of. So they both did good, and received good one from another; and a cuple of barks caried them away at the later end of sommer. And sundrie of them have acknowledged their thankfullness since from Virginia. That they might the better take all convenient opportunitie to follow their trade, both to maintaine them selves, and to ngage them of those great sumes which they stood charged with, and bound for, they resoloved to build a smale pinass at Manamet,a place 20. mile from the plantation, standing on the sea to the southward of them, unto which, by an other creeke on this side, they could carttheir goods, within 4. or 5. miles, and then transport them over land to their vessell; and so avoyd the comparing of Cap-Codd, and those deangerous shoulds, and so make any vioage to the southward in much shorter time, and with farr less danger. Also for the saftie of their vessell and goods, they builte a house their, and kept some servants, who also planted corne, and reared some swine, and were allwayes ready to goe out with the barke when ther was occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and turned to their profite.

They now sent (with the returne of the ships) Mr. Allerton againe into England, giveing him full power, under their hands and seals, to conclude the former bargaine with the adventurers; and sent ther bonds for the paimente of the money. All so they sent what beaver they could spare to pay some of their ingagementes, and to defray his chargs; for those deepe interests still kepte them low. Also he had order to procure a patente for a fitt trading place in the river of Kenebec; for being emulated both by the planters at Pas other places and other places to the eastward of them, and allso by the fishing ships, which used to draw much profite from the Indeans of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante, and shutte them out from thence; espetially after they saw them so well furnished with commodities, as to carie the trade from them. They thought it but needfull to prevente such a thing, at least that they might not be excluded from free trade they, wher them selves had first begune and discovered the same, and brought it to so good effecte. This year allso they had letters, and messengers from the Dutch-plantation, sent unto them from the Govr ther, writen both in Dutch and French. The Dutch had traded in these southerne parts, diverse years before they came; but they begane no plantation hear till 4. or 5. years after their coming, and here begining.' Ther letters were as followeth. It being their maner to be full of complementall titles.

Edele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den Goveerneur, ende Raeden in Nieu-Pliemuen residerende; onse seer Goede vrinden.

Den directeur ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande, wensen uwe Edn: eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige geluck salichitt [gelukzaligheid?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere; met goede voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer Siele, ende Lichaem.

The rest I shall render in English, leaving ou4 the repetition of superfluous titles.

We have often before this wished for an opportunifie or an occasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and praise-worthy undertakeings, and Goverment of your colony ther. And the more, in that we also have made a good begining to pitch the foundation of a collonie hear; and seeing our native countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our forefathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held frendship and alliance with your ancestours, as sufficiently appears by the old contractes, and entrecourses,z confirmed under the hands of kings and princes, in the pointe of wary and trafick; as may be scene and read by all the world in the old chronakles. The which are not only by the king now reigning confirmed, but it hath pleased his majesty, upon mature deliberation, to make a new covenante,(and to take up armes,) with the States Generall of our dear native country, against our commone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing else but to usurpe and overcome other Christian kings and princes lands, that so he might obtaine and possess his pretended monarchic over all Christendom; and so to rule and command, after his owne pleasure, over the consciences of so many hundred thousand sowles, which God forbid.

And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto us, by some of our people, that by occasion came so farr northward with their shalop, and met with sundry of the Indeans, who tould them that they were within halfe a days journey of your plantation, and offered ther service to Gary letters unto you; therfore we could not forbear to salute you with these few lines, with presentation of our good will and service unto you, in all frendly-kindnes and neighbourhood. And if it so fall out that any goods that comes to our hands from our native countrie, may be serviceable unto you, we shall take our selves bound to help and accommadate you ther with; either for beaver or any other wares or marchandise that you should be pleased to deale for. And if in case we have no commodity at present that may give you contente, if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like comodities as may be usefull for us, for ready money, and let us understand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when we understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to deale with you, at such place as you shall appointe. In the mean time we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection.

By the appointment of the GOVT and Counsell, etc.

To this they returned answer as followeth, on the other side.

The Gover and Counsell of New-Plim: wisheth, etc. We have received ,your leters, etc. wherin appeareth your good wills and frendship towards us; but is expresed with over high titls, more then belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our poore colonic, we are much bound to you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg the same; taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimoney of your love and good neighbourhood.

Now these are further to give your WorPPto understand, that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestic hath not only bene pleased to confirme that ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and other contracts, formerly made and ratified by his predecessors of famous memorie, but bath him seife (as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the better to resist the prid of that commone enemy the Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather in love and good neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of us further obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente, as also many of ourfreindsdoe tothis day; for which we, and our children after us, are bound to be thankfull to your Nation, and shall neverforgett the same, but shall hartily desire your good and prosperity, as our owne, for ever.

. Likwise for your freindly tender, and offer to acommodate and help us with any comodities or marchandise you have, or shall come to you, either for beaver, otters, or other wares, it is to us very acceptable, and we doubte not but in short time we may have profitable commerce and trade togeather.' But for this year we are fully supplyed with all necessaries, both for cloathing and other things; but hereafter it is like we shall deale with you, if your rates be reasonable. And therfore when you please to send to us againe by any of yours, we desire to know how you will take beaver, by the pounde, and otters, by the skine; and how you will deale per cent. for other comodities, and what you can furnishe us with. As Likwise what other commodities from us may be acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other things, and what prises you will give, etc.

Thus hoping that you will pardon and excuse us for our rude and imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good parte, because for wante of use we cannot so well express that we understand, nor hapily understand every thing so fully as we should. And so we humbly pray the Lord for his mercie sake, that he will take both us and you into his seeping and gratious protection.

By the Gover and Counsell of New-Plimoth,

After this ther was many passages betweene them both by Letters and other entercourse ; and they had some profitable commerce togither for diverse years, till other occasions interrupted the same, as may happily appear afterwards, more at large.

Before they sent Mr. Allerton away for England this year, the Gover and some of their cheefe freinds had serious consideration, not only how they might discharge those great ingagments, which lay so heavily upon them, and is aflore mentioned but also how they might (if possiblie they could) devise means to help some of their freinds and breethren of Leyden over to them, who desired so much to come to them, and they desired as much their company. To effecte which, theyo resolved to rune a high course, and of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to bring it aboute. Which was to hire the trade of the company for certaine years, and in that time to undertake to pay that 1800li. and all the rest of the debts that then lay upon the plantation, which was aboute some 600li. more; and so to set them free, and returne the trade to the generalitie againe at the end of the terme. Upon which on they called the company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto all what their debts were, and upon what terms they would undertake to pay them all in such a time, and sett them clear. But their other ends they were faine to keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some of their trusty freinds therwith; which were glad of the same, but doubted how they would be able to performe it. So after some agitation of the thing with the company, it was yeelded unto, and the agreemente made upon the conditions following.

First, agreed and covenanted betweexte the said parties, that the afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, and Isaack Allerton, etc. have undertaken, and doe by these presents, covenante and agree to pay, discharge, and acquite the said collony of all the debtes both due for the purchass, or any other belonging to them, at the day of the date of these presents.

Secondly, the above-said parties are to have and freely injoye the pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, and the shalop, called the Bassboat, with all other implements to them belonging, that is in the store of the said company; with all the whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, corne, wampampeak,hatchets, knives, etc. that is now in the storre, or any way due unto the same uppon accounte.

3ly. That the above said parties have the whole trade to them selves, their heires and assignes, with all the privileges therof, as the said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full years, to begine the last of September next insuing.

4ly. In furder consideration of the discharge of the said debtes, every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante yearly to pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said parties, during the full terme of the said 6. years, 3. bushells of corne, or 6li. of tobaco, at the undertakers choyse.

5ly. The said undertakers shall dureing the afforesaid terme bestow 50li. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought over for the collonies use, to be sould unto them for corne at 6s. per bushell.

6ly. That at the end of the said terme of 6. years, the whole trade shall returne to the use and benefite of the said collonie, as before.

Lastly, if the afforesaid undertakers, after they have aquainted their freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon the first returne) resolve to performe them, and undertake to discharge the debtes of the said collony, according to the true meaning and intente of these presents, then they are (upon such notice given) to stand in full force; otherwise all things to remaine as formerly they were, and a true accounte to be given to the said collonie, of the disposing of all things according to the former order.

Mr. Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with him into England, and amongst other his instructions had order given him to deale with some of their speciall freinds, to jo3'ne with them in this trade upon the above recited conditions; as aliso to imparte their further ends that moved them to take this course, namly, the helping over of some of their freinds from Leyden, as they should be able; in which if any of them would joyne with them they should thankfully acceptt of their love and partnership herein. And with all (by their letters) gave them some grounds of their hops of the accomplishmente of these things with some advantage.

After Mr. Auertons arivall in England, he aquainted them with his comission and full power to conclude the forementioned bargan and purchas; upon the veiw wherof, and the delivery of the bonds for the paymente of the money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully concluded, and a deedefairly ingrossed in partchmente was delivered him, under their hands and seals confirming the same. Morover he delte with them aboute other things according to his instructions. As to admittsomeof these their good freinds into this purchass if they pleased, and to deale with them for moneys at better rates, etc. Touching which I shall hear inserte a letter of Mr. Sherleys, giving light to what followed therof, writ to the Govr as followeth.

I have received yours of the 26. of May by Mr. Gibs, and Mr. Goff, with the barren of otter skins, according to the contents; for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them up, and sould them togeather at 78li. 12s. sterling; and since, Mr. Auerton bath received the money, as will pear by the accounte. It is true (as you write) that your ingagments are g, not only the purchass, but you are yet necessitated to take up the sk you work upon; and that not at 6. or 8. pr cent. as it is here let out, but at 30. 40. yea, and some at 50. pr cent. which, were not your games great, and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then ordinarie, it could not be that you should longe subsiste in the maintaining of, and upholding of your worldly affaires. And this your honest and discreete agent e, Mr. Allerton, hath seriously considered, and deeply laid to mind, how to ease you of it. He tould me you were contented to accepte of me and some few others, to joyne with you in the purchass, as partners; for which I kindly thanke you and all the rest, and doe willingly accepte of it. And though absente, shall willingly be at shuck charge as you and the rest shall thinke meete; and this year am contented to forbear my former 50li. and 2. years increase for the venture, both which now makes it 80li. without any bargaine or condition for the profite, you (I mean the generalitie) stand to the adventure, outward, and homeward. I have perswaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp to doe the like, so as you are eased of the high rate, you were at the other 2. yeares; I say we leave it freely to your selves to alow us what you please, and as God shall blesse. What course I rune, Mr. Beachamp desireth to doe the same; and though he have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore, yet now you shall find he is new moulded. I allso see by your letter, you desire I should be your agente or fattore hear. I have ever found you so faithfull, honest, and upright men, as I have even resolved with my selfe (God assisting me) to doe you all the good lyeth in my power; and therfore if you please to make choyse of so weak a man, both for abillities and body, to performe your bussines, I promise (the Lord enabling me) to doe the best I can according to those abillities he hath given me; and wherin I fail e, blame your selves, that you made no better choyce. Now, because I am sickly, and we are all mortal], I have advised Mr. Allerton to joyne Mr. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which I conceive to be very necessary and good for you; your charge shall be no more, for it is not your salarie maks me undertake your bussines. Thus comending you and yours, and all Gods people, unto the guidance and protection of the Allmightie, I ever rest,

Another leter of his, that should have bene placed before:

We cannot but take notice how the Lord hath been pleased to crosse our proseedings, and caused many disasters to befale us therin. I conceive the only reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then Gods glorie; but now I hope that cause is taken away; the bargen being fully concluded, as farr as our powers will reach, and confirmed under our hands and seals, to Mr. Allerton and the rest of his and your copartners. But for my owne parte, I confess as I was loath to hinder the full confirming of it, being the first propounder ther of at our meeting; so on the other side, I was as unwilling to set my hand to the sale, being the receiver of most part of the adventurs, and a second causer of much of the ingagments; and one more threatened, being most envied and aimed at (if they could find any stepe to ground their malice on) then any other whosoever. I profess I know no just cause they ever had, or have, so to doe; neither shall it ever be proved that I have wronged them or any of the adventurers, wittingly or willingly, one peny in the disbursing of so many pounds in those 2. years trouble. No, the sole cause why they maligne me (as I and others conceived) was that I would not side with them against you, and the going over of the Leyden people. But as I then card not, so now I Title fear what they can doe; yet charge and trouble I know they may cause me to be at. And for these reasons, I would gladly have perswaded the other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out, but they would not; so rather then it should faile, Mr. Alerton having taken so much pains, I have sealed with the rest; with this proviso and promise of his, that if any trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe the charge. Wherfore now I doubt not but you will give your generallitie good contente, and selfe peace amongst your selves, and peace with the natives; and then no doubt but the God of Peace will blese your going out and your returning, and cause all that you sett your hands unto to prosper; the which I shall ever pray the Lord to grante if it be his blessed will. Asuredly unless the Lord be merciful] unto us and the whole land in generall, our estate and condition is farr worse then yours. Wherfore if the Lord should send persecution or trouble hear, (which is much to be feared,), and so should put into our minds to flye for refuge, I know no place safer then to come to ,you, (for all Europ is at varience one with another, but cheefly with us,) not doubting but to find such frendly entertainmente as shall be honest and conscionable, notwithstanding what hath latly passed. For I profess in the word of an honest man, had it not been to procure your peace and quiet from some turbulent spirites hear, I would not have sealed to this last deed; though you would have given me all my adventure and debte ready downe. Thus desiring the Lord to blesse and prosper you, I cease ever resting,

With this leter they sent a draught of a formal] deputation to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to authorise them as their agents, according to what is mentioned in the above said letter; and because some inconvenience grue therby afterward I shall here inserte it.

To all to whom these prets shall come greeting; know yee that we, Willi Bradford, Gov` of Plimoth, in N. E. in America, Isaak Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, and Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by these presents for us, and in our names, make, substitute, and appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith, and John Beachamp, Salter, citizens of London, our true and lawfull agents, factors, substitutes, and assignes; as well to take and receive all such goods, wares, and marchandise what soever as to our said substitutes or either of them, or to the citie of London, or other place of the Relme of Engl: shall be sente, transported, or come from us or any of us, as allso to vend, sell, barter, or exchaing the said goods, wares, and marchandise so from time to time to be sent to such person or persons upon credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said agents and factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme meete. And further we doe make and ordaine our said substituts and assignes joyntly and severally for us, and to our uses, and accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into New Engl: aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided here, and to be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or either of them, shall be thought fitt. And to recover, receive, and demand for us and in our names all such debtes and sumes of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due incidente accruing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wares or means; and to acquite, discharge, or compound for any debte or sume of money, which now or hereafter shall be due or oweing by any person or persons to us, or any of us. And generally for us and in our names to doe, performe, and execute every acte and thing which to our said assignes, or either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in or aboute the premissies, as fully and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as if we or any of us were in person presente. And whatsoever our said agents and factors joyntly or severally shall doe, or cause to be done, in or aboute the premisses, we will and doe, and every of us doth ratifie, alow, and confirme, by these presents. In wittnes wherof we have here unto put our hands and seals.

This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and 4. more of the cheefe of them under their hands and seals, and delivered unto them. Also Mr. Allerton formerly had authoritie under their hands and seals for the transacting of the former bussines, and taking up of moneys, etc. which still he retained whilst he was imployed in these affaires; they mistrusting neither him nor any of their freinds faithfullnes, which made them more remisse in looking to shuck acts as had passed under their hands, as necessarie for the time; but letting them rune on to long unminded or recaled, it turned to their harme afterwards, as will appere in its place.

Mr. Allerton having setled all things thus in a good and hopfull way, he made hast to returne in the first of the spring to be hear with their supply for trade, (for the fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth in winter and be here betimes.) He brought a resonable supply of goods for the plantation, and without those great interests as before is noted; and brought an accounte of the beaver sould, and how the money was disposed for goods, and the paymente of other debtes, having paid all debts abroad to others, save to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, and Mr. Andrews; from whom likwIse he brought an accounte which to them all amounted not to above 400 li. for which he had passed bonds. Allso he had pased the first paymente for the purchass, being due for this year, viz. 200li. and brought them the bonde for the same cancelled; so as they now had no more foreine debtes but the abovesaid 400li. and odde pownds, and the rest of the yearly purchass money. Some other debtes they had in the cuntrie, but they were without any intrest, and they had wherwith to discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought things for them. Also he brought them further notice that their freinds, the abovenamed, and some others that would joyne with them in the trad and purchass, did intend for to send over to Leyden, for a competente number of them, to be hear the next year without fayle, if the Lord pleased to blesse their journey. He allso brought them a patente for Kenebeck, but it was so straite and ill bounded, as they were faine to renew and inlarge it the next year, as allso that which they had at home, to their great charge, as will after appeare. Hithertoo Mr. Allerton did them good and faithfull service; and well had it been if he had so continued, or els they had now ceased for imploying him any longer tht into England. But of this more afterwards.

Having procured a patente (as is above said) for Kenebeck they now erected a house up above in the river in the m convenientest place for trade, as they conceived, and f nished the same with commodities for that end, both win and sommer, not only with come, but also with such oth commodities as the fishermen had traded with them, as coa shirts, ruggs, and blankets, biskett, peace, prunes, etc.; what they could not have out of England, they bought of fishing ships, and so carried on their bassines as well as they could.

This year the Dutch sent againe unto them from th plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse comoditiest auger, linen cloth, Holand finer and courser atufes, etc. Th came up with their barke to Manamete, to their house ther, which came their Secretarie Racier; a who was accompani with a noyse of trumpeters, and some other attendants; desired that they would send a boat for him, for he could n travill so farr over land. So they sent a boat to Manonsc sett, and brought him to the plantation, with the cheefe of company. And after some few days entertainmente, he turned to his barke, and some of them wente with him, bought sundry of his goods; after which begining thus they sente often times to the same place, and had enterco togeather for diverse years; and amongst other comodit they vended much tobaco for linen cloath, stuffs, etc., whi was a good benefite to the people, till the Virginians found their plantation. But that which turned most to their profite, in time, was an entrance into the trade of Wampampeake;for they now bought aboute 50li. worth of it of them; and they tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania;and did perswade them they would find it so at Kenebeck; and so it came to pass in time, though at first it stuck, and it was 2. years before they could put of this small quantity, till the inland people knew of it; and afterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for them, for many years togeather. And so this, with their other provisions, curt of they trade quite from the fisher-men, and in great part from other of the stragling planters. And strange it was to see the great allteration it made in a few years among the Indeans them selves; for all the Indeans of these parts, and the Massachussets, had none or very litle of it, but the sachems and some spetiall persons that wore a litle of it for ornamentz. Only it was made and kepte amonge the Narigansseta, and Pequents, which grew rich and potent by it, and these people were poore and begerly, and had no use of it. Neither did the English of this plantation, or any other in the land, till now that they had knowledg of it from the Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less that it was a commoditie of that worth and valew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie in these parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to learne how to make it; for the Narigansets doe geather the shells of which they make it from their shors. And it hath now continued a current comoditie aboute this 20. years, and it may prove a drugg in time. In the mean time it maks the Indeans of these parts rich and power full and also prowd therby; and fills them with peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine, by reasone of the bassnes of sundry unworthy persons, both English, Dutch and French, which may fume to the ruine of many. Hithertoo the Indeans of these parts had no peetes nor other armes but their Bowes and arrowes, nor of many years after; nether durst they scarce handle a gone, so much were they affraid of them; and the very sight of one (though out of kilter) was a terrour unto them. But those Indeans to the east parts which had commerce with the French, got peces of them, and they in the end made a commone trade of it; and in time ou English fisher-men, led with the like covetoussnes, followed their example, for their owne game; but upon complainte against them, it pleased the kings majestie to prohibite the same by a stricte proclaimation, commanding that no sorte of armes, or munition, should by any of his subjects be trade with them.

Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther came over one Captaine Wolastone, (a man of pretie parts and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminentie, who brougt with them a great many servants, with provissions and other implements for to begane a plantation ; and pitched them selves in a place within the Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains name, Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr. Morton,who, it should seems, had some small adventure (of his owne or other mens) amongst them; but had litle respecte amongst them, and was sleghted by the meanest servants. Haveing continued ther some time, and not finding things to answer their expectations, nor profite to arise as they looked for, Captaine Wollaston takes a great part of the servants, and transports them to Virginia, wher he puts them of at good rates, selling their time to other men; and writs back to one Mr. Rassdall, one of his cheefe partners, and accounted their marchant, to bring another parte of them to Virginia likewise, intending to put them of ther as he had done the rest. And he, with the consente of the said Randall, appoynted one Fitcher to be his Livetenante, and governe the remaines of the plantation, till he or Randall returned to take further order theraboute. But this Morton abovesaid, haveing more craft then honestie, (who had been a kind of petiefogger, of Furnefells Inne,)in the others absence, watches an oppertunitie, (commons being but hard amongst them,) and gott some strong drinck and other junkats, and made them a feast; and after they were merle, he begane to tell them, he would give them good counsell. You see (with he) that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till this Randall retorne, you will also be carried away and sould for slaveswith the rest. Therfore Iwould advise you to thruste out this Levetenant Fitcher; and I, having a parte in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociata; so may you be free from service, attd we will converse, trad, plant~, and live togeather as squalls, and supports and protect~ one another, or to like effects. This counsell was easily received; so they tooke oppertunitie, and thrust Levetenante Fitcher out a dores, and would suffer him to come no more amongst them, but foret him to seeks bread to sate, and other releefe from his neigbours, till he could gett passage for England. After this they fell to great liceneiousnea, and led a dissolute life, powering out them selves into all profanenes. And Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained (as it were) a schools of Athisme. And after they had gott some good into their hands, and gott much by trading with the Indeans, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing and drinking both wine and strong waters in great exsess and as some reported, 10li. worth in a morning. They also set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing about it many days togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts, dancing and frisking togither, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,) and worse practises- As if they had anew revived and celebrated the feasts of the Roman Goddes Flora, or the beasly practieses of the madd Bacchinalians. Morton likwise (to spew his poetrie) composed sundry rimes and verses, some tending to lasciviousnes, and others to the detraction and standall of some persons; which he affixed to this idle or idoll May-polls. They changed aliso the name of their place, and in stead of calling it Mount Wollaston, they call it Meriemounte, as if this joylity would have lasted ever. But this continued not long, for after Morton was sent for England, (as follows to be declared,) shortly after came over that worthy gentlman, Mr: John Indecott, who brought over a patent under the broad wall,for the govermente of the Massachusets, who visiting those parts caused that May-polls to be cutt downs, and rebuked them for their profannes, and admonished them to looks ther should be better walking; so they now, or others, changed the name of their place agars, and called it MounteDagon.

Now to maintaine this riotous prodigallitie and profuse excess, Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and hearing what gains the French and fisher-men made by trading of peetes, powder, and shone to the Indeana, he, as the head of this consortship, begane the practise of the same in these parts; and first he taught them how to use them, to charge, and di,9charg, and what proportion of powder to give the peece, according to the ails or bigres of the same; and what shone to use for fouls, and what for dears. And having thus instructed them, he imployed some of them to hunts and fowls for him, so as they became farr more active in that imploymente then any of the English, by reason of ther swiftnes of foots, and nimblnes of body, being also quick-sighted, and by continuall exercise well knowing the bents of all sorts of game. So ae when they saw the execution that a peece would doe, and the benefits that might come by the same, they became madd, as it were, after them, and would not stick to give any prise they could attains too for them; accounting their bowel and arrowes but bables in comparison of them.

And here I may take occasion to bewails the mischefe that this wicked man began in these parts, and which since base covetousnes prevailing in men that should know better, has now at length gott the upper hand, and made this thing commone, notwithstanding any laws to the contrary; so as the Indeans are full of peeces all over, both fouling peecea, muskets, pistols, etc. They have also their moulds to make shone, of all sorts, as muskett bulletts, pistoll bullets, aware and gore shots, and of smaler sorts; yea, some have seen them have their scruplats to make scrupinathem selves, when they wants them, with sundery other implements, wherwith they are ordinarily better fited and furnished then the English themselves. Yea, it is well knowne that they will have powder and shot, when the English want it, nor cannot gett it; and that in a time of warn or danger, as experience bath manifested, hat when lead bath been scarce, and men for their owns defence would gladly have given a great a li., which is dear enoughe, yet bath it here bought up and sent to other places, and scold to shuch as trade it with the Indeana, at 12. pence the li.; and it is like they give 3. or 4.s. the pound, for they will have it at any rate. And these things have been done in the same times, when some of their neigbours and freinds are daly killed by the Indeans, or are in deanger therof, and live but at the Indeans mercie. Yea, some.(as they have aquainted them with all other things) have tiould them how gunpowder is made, and all the materialls in it, and that they are to be had in their owns land; and I am confidente, could they attains to make saltpeter, they would teach them to make powder. 0 the horiblnes of this vilanie! how many both Dutch and English have been lady shine by those Indeans, thus furnished; and no remedie provided, nay, the evill more increased, and the blood of their brethren sould for gains, as is tA³ be feared; and in what danger all these colonies are in is too well known. Oh! that princes and parlements would take some timly order to prevente this mischeefe; and at length to suppress it, by some exemplerie punishments upon some of these gains thirstie murderers, (for they deserve no better title,) before their coloonies in these parts be over throwne by these barbarous savages, thus armed with their owns weapons, by these evill instruments, and traytors to their neigbors and cuntrie.But I have forgott my selfe, and have been to longs in this digression; but now to returns. This Morton having thus taught them the use'of peetes, he could them all he could spare; and he and his consorts detirmined to send for many out of England, and had by some of the ships sente for above a score. The which being knowne, and his neigbours meeting the Indeans in the woods armed with guns in this sorts, it was a terrour unto them, who lived straglingly, and were of no strengtt in any place. And other places (though more remote) saw this mischeefe would quietly spread over all, if not prevented. Besides, they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would entertains any, how vile soever, and all the scume of the countrie, or any discontents, would flock to him from all places, if this nest was not broken; and they should stand in more fear of their lives and goods (in short time) from this wicked and debostetrue, then from the salvages them selves.

So sundrie of the cheefe of the stragling plantations, meeting togither, agreed by mutuall consente to sollissite those of Plimoth (who were then of more strength then them all) to joyne with them, to prevente the further grouth of this mischeefe, and suppress Morton and his consortes before they grewe to further head and strength. Those that joyned in this aection (and after contributed to the charge of sending him for England) were from Pascataway, Namkeake, Vinisimett, Weesagascusett, Natasco, and other places whey any English were seated. Those of Plimoth being thus sought too by their messengers and letters, and waying both their reasons, and the commone danger, were willing to afford them their help; though them selves had least cause of fear or hurte. So, to be short, they first resolved joyntly to write to him, and in a freindly and neigborly way to admonish him to forbear these courses, and sent a messenger with their letters to bring his answer. But he was so highe as he scorned all advise, and asked who had to doe with him; he had and would trade peetes with the Indeans in dispite of all, with many other scurillous termes full of disdaine. They sente to him a second time, and bad him be better advised, and more temperate in his termes, for the countrie could not beare the injure he did; it was against their comone saftie, and against the king's proclamation. He answerd in high terms as before, and that the kings proclaimation was no law;demanding what penaltie was upon it. It was answered, more then he could bear, his majesties displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said the king was dead and his displeasure with him, and many the like things; and threatened withall that if any came to molest him, let them looke to them selves, for he would prepare for them. Upon which they saw ther was no way but to take him by force; and having so farr proceeded, now to give over would make him farr more hautie and insolente. So they mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of the Govr of Plimoth to send Captaine Standish, and some other aide with him, to take Morton by force. The which accordingly was done; but they found him to stand stifly in his defence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts, set diverse dishes of powder and bullets ready on the table; and if they had not been over armed with drinke, more hurt might have been done. They sommaned him to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could gett nothing but stofes and scorns from him; but at length, fearing they would doe some violence to the house, he and some of his true came out, but not to yeeld, but to shoote; but they were so steeld with drinke as their peetes were to heavie for them; him selfe with a carbine (over charged and allmost halfe fild with powder and shote, as was after found) had thought to have shot Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, and put by his peece, and tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte done to any of either side, save that one was so drunke that he rane his owne nose upon the pointe of a sword that one held before him as he entred the house; but he lost but a litle of his hott blood. Morton they brought away to Plimoth, wher he was kepte, till a ship went from the Ile of Shols for England, with which he was sente to the Counsell of NewEngland; and letters writen to give them information of his course and cariage; and also one was sent at their commone charge to informe their Hora more perticulerly, and to prosecute against him. But he foold of the messenger, after he was gone from hence, and though he wente for England, yet nothing was done to him, not so much as rebukte, for ought was heard; but returned the nexte year. Some of the worst of the company were disperst, and some of the more modest kepte the house till he should be heard from. But I have been too long aboute so unworthy a person, and bad a cause.

This year Mr. Allerton brought over a yonge man for a minister to the people hear, wheather upon his owne head, or at the motion of some freinds ther, I well know not, but it was without the churches sending; for they had bene so bitten by Mr. Lyford, as they desired to know the person well whom they should invite amongst them. His name was Mr. Rogers; but they perceived, upon some triall, that he was crased in his braine; so they were faine to be at further charge to send him back againe the nexte year, and loose all the charge that was expended in his hither bringing, which was not smalle by Mr. Allerton's accounte, in provissions, aparell, bedding, etc. After his returne he grue quite distracted, and Mr. Allerton was much blamed that he would bring such a man over, they having charge enough otherwise.

Mr. Allerton, in the years before, had brought over some small quantie of goods, upon his owne perticuler, and sould them for his owne private benefite; which was more then any man had yet hithertoo attempted. But because he had other wise done them good service, and also he sould them among the people at the plantation, by which their wants were supplied, and he aledged it was the love of Mr. Sherley and some other freinds that would needs trust him with some goods, conceiveing it might doe him some good, and none hurte, it was not much lookt at, but past over. But this year he brought over a greater quantitie, and they were so intermixte with the goods of the generall, as they knew not which were theirs, and which was his, being pact up together; so as they well saw that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might have laid the whole on them, if he would; for ther was no distinction. Allso what was most vendible, and would yeeld presente pay, usualy that was his; and he now begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine places, which, considering their commone course, they began to dislike. Yet because love thinkes no evill, nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire words for excuse, and resolved to send him againe this year for England; considering how well he had done the former bussines, and what good acceptation he had with their freinds ther; as also seeing sundry of their freinds from Leyden were sente for, which would or might be much furthered by his means. Againe, seeing the patente for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of the former mistaks in the bounding of it, and it was conceived in a maner, the same charge would serve to inlarge this at home with it, and he that had begane the former the last year would be the fittest to effecte this; so they gave him instructions and sente him for England this year againe. And in his instructions bound him to bring over no goods on their accounte, but 50li. in hose and shoes, and some linen cloth, (as they were bound by covenante when they tooke the trad;) also some trading goods to such a value; and in no case to exseed his instructions, nor runne them into any further charge; he well knowing how their state stood. Also that he should so provide that their trading goods came over betimes, and what so ever was sent on their accounte should be pact up by it selfe, marked with their marke, and no other goods to be mixed with theirs. For so he prayed them to give him such instructions as they saw good, and he would folow them, to prevente any jellocie or farther offence, upon the former forementioned dislikes. And thus they conceived they had well provided for all things.

MR. ALLERTON safly arriving in England, and delivering his leters to their freinds their, and aquainting them with his instructions, found good acceptation with them, and they were very forward and willing to joyne with them in the partnership of trade, and in the charge to send over the Leyden people; a company wherof were allready come out of Holand, and prepared to come over, and so were sent away before Mr. Allerton could be ready to come. They had passage with the ships that came to Salem, that brought over many godly persons to begine the plantations and churches of Christ ther, and in the Bay of Massachussets; so their long stay and keeping back was recompensed by the Lord to ther freinds here with a duble blessing, in that they not only injoyed them now beyond ther late expectation, (when all their hops seemed to be cutt of,) but, with them, many more godly freinds and Christian breethren, as the begining of a larger harvest unto the Lord, in the increase of his churches and people in these parts, to the admiration of many, and allmost wonder of the world; that of so small beginings so great things should insue, as time after manifested; and that here should be a resting place for so many of the Lords people, when so sharp a scourge came upon their owne nation. But it was the Lords doing, and it ought to be marvellous in our eyes.

But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, which doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir proceedings.

Here are now many of your and our freinds from Leyden coming over, who, though for the most parte be but a weak company, yet herein is a good parte of that end obtained which was aimed at, and which bath been so strongly opposed by some of our former adventurers. But God hath his working in these things, which man cannot frustrate. With them we have allso sent some servants in the ship called the Talbut, that wente hence latly; but these come in the May-flower. Mr. Beachamp and my selfe, with Mr. Andrews and Mr. Hatherly,z are, with your love and liking, joyned partners with you, etc. Your deputation we have received, and the goods have been taken up and sould by your freind and agente, Mr. Allerton, my selfe having bine nere 3. months in Holland, at Amsterdam and other parts in the Low-Countries. I see further the agreemente you have made with the generallitie, in which I cannot understand but you have done very well, both for them and you, and also for your freinds at Leyden. Mr. Beachamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, and my selfe, doe so like and approve of it, as we are willing to joyne with you, and, God directing and inabling us, will be assisting and helpfull to you, the best that possiblie we can. Nay, had you not taken this course, I doe not see how you should accomplish the end you first aimed at, and some others indevored these years past. We know it must keep us from the profite, which otherwise by the blessing of God and your indeaours, might be gained; for most of those that came in May, and these now sente, though I hope honest and good people, yet not like to be helpfull to raise profite, but rather, ney, certaine must, some while, be chargable to you and us; at which it is lickly, had not this wise and discreete course been taken, many of your generafitie would have grudged. Againe, you say well in your letter, and I make no doubte but you will performe it, that now being but a few, on whom the burthen must be, you will both menage it the beter, and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no discontente nor contradiction, but so lovingly to joyne togeither, in affection and counsell, as God no doubte will blesse and prosper your honest labours and indeavors. And therfore in all respects I doe not see but you have done marvelously discreetly, and advisedly, and no doubt but it gives all parties good contente; I mean that are reasonable and honest men, such as make conscience of giving the best satisfaction they be able for their debts, and that regard not their owne perticuler so much as the accomplishing of that good end for which this bussines was first intended, etc. Thus desiring the Lord to blew and prosper you, and all yours, and all our honest endeavors, I rest

That I may handle things together, I have put these 2. companies that came from Leyden in this place; though they came at 2. severall times, yet they both came out of England this year. The former company, being 35. persons, were shiped in May, and arived here aboute August. The later were shiped in the begining of March, and arived hear the later end of May, 1630. Mr. Sherleys 2. letters, the effect wherof I have before related, (as much of them as is pertinente,) mentions both. Their charge, as Mr. Allerton brought it in afterwards on accounte, came to above 550li. besids ther fetching hither from Salem and the Bay, wher they and their goods were landed; viz. their transportation from Holland to England, and their charges lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing provided for them. For I find by accounte for the one company, 125. yeards of karsey,127. ellons of linen cloath, shoes, 66. pr, with many other perticulers. The charge of the other company is reckoned on the severall families, some 50li., some 40li., some 30li., and so more or less, as their number and expencess were. And besids all this charg, their freinds and bretheren here were to provid come and other provissions for them, till they could reap a crope which was long before. Those that came in May were thus maintained upward of 16. or 18. months, before they had any harvest of their owne, and the other by proportion. And all they could doe in the mean time was to gett them some housing, and prepare them grounds to plant on, against the season. And this charg of maintaining them all this while was litle less then the former sume. These things I note more perticulerly, for sundry regards. First, to chew a rare example herein of brotherly love, and Christian care in performing their promises and covenants to their bretheren, too, and in a sorte beyonde their power; that they should venture so desperatly to ingage them selves to accomplish this thing, and bear it so cheerfully; for they never demanded, much less had, any repaymente of all these great sumes thus disbursed. 2ly. It must needs be that ther was more then of man in these acheevements, that should thus readily stire up the harts of shuck able frinds to joyne in partnership with them in shuck a case, and cleave so faithfullie to them as these did, in so great adventures; and the more because the most of them never saw their faces to this day; ther being neither kindred, aliance, or other acquaintance or relations betweene any of them, then hath been before mentioned; it must needs be therfore the spetiall worke and hand of God. 3ly. That these poore people here in a wilderness should, notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these ingagments, and many more unjustly brought upon them through the unfaithfullnes of some, and many other great losses which they sustained, which will be made manifest, if the Lord be pleased to give life and time. In the mean time, I cannot but admire his ways and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo.

The Leyden people being thus come over, and sundry of the generalitie seeing and hearing how great the charg was like to be that was that way to be expended, they begane to murmure and repin eat it, notwithstanding the burden lay on other mens shoulders; espetially at the paying of the 3. bushells of come a year, according to the former agreemente, when the trad was lett for the 6. years aforesaid. But to give them contente herein allso, it was promised them, that if they could doe it in the time without it, they would never demand it of them; which gave them good contente. And indeed it never was paid, as will appeare by the sequell.

Concerning Mr. Allertons proceedings about the inlarging and confirming of their patent, both that at home and Kenebeck, will best appere by another leter of Mr. Sherleys; for though much time and money was expended aboute it, yet he left it unaccomplisht this year, and came without it. See Mr. Sherleys letter.

Some of your leters I received in July, and some since by Mr. Peirce, but till our maine bussines, the patent, was granted,I could not setle my mind nor pen to writing. Mr. Allerton was so turrmoyled about it, as verily I would not nor could not have undergone it, if I might have had a thousand pounds; but the Lord so blessed his labours (even beyond expectation in these evill days) as he obtained the love and favore of great men in repute and place. He got granted from the Earle of Warwick and Sr. Ferdinando Gorge all that Mr. Winslow desired in his letters to me, and more also, which I leave to him to relate. Then he sued to the king to confirme their grante, and to make you a corporation, and so to inable you to make and execute lawes, in such large and ample maner as the Massachusett plantation hath it; which the king graciously granted, referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order to the solisiter to draw it up, if ther were a presidente for it? So the Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and allso the solissiter; but as Festus said to Paule, With no small sume of money obtained I this freedom; for by the way many ridells must be resolved, and many locks must be opened with the silver, ney, the golden key. Then it was to come to the Lord Treasurer, to have his warrente for freeing the custume for a certaine time; but he would not doe it, but refferd it to the Counsell table. And ther Mr. Allerton at. tended day by day, when they sate, but could not gett his petition read. And by reason of Mr. Peirce his staying with all the passengers at Bristoll, he was foret to leave the further prosecuting of it to a solissiter. But ther is no fear nor double but it will be granted, for he hath the cheefe of them to freind; yet it will be marvelously needfull for him to returne by the first ship that comes from thence; for if you had this confirmed, then were you compleate, and might bear such sway and goverment as were fitt for your ranke and place that God hath called you unto; and stope the moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, that are ready to question and threaten you in every action you doe. And besids, if you have the custome free for 7. years inward, and 21. outward, the charge of the patent will be scone recovered, and ther is no fear of obtainingit. But such things must work by degrees; men cannot hasten it as they would; werefore we (I write in behalf e of all our partners here) desire you to be ernest with Mr. Allerton to come, and his wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this great and waighty bussines, which we conceive will be much for your good, and I hope for your posteritie, and for many generations to come.

Thus much of this letter. It was dated the 19. March, 1629.

By which it appears what progress was made herein, and` in part what charge it was, and how left unfinished, and some reason of the same; but in truth (as was afterwards appehended the meaine reason was Mr. Allerton's policie, to have an opportunitie to be sent over againe, for other regards; and for that end procured them thus to write. For it might then well enough have been finshed, if not with that clause aboute the custumes, which was Mr. Allertons and Mr. Sherleys device, and not at all thought on by the colony here, nor much regarded, yet it might have been done without it, without all queston, having passed the kings hand; nay it was conceived it might then have beene done with it, if he had pleased; but covetousnes never brings ought home, as the proverb is, for this oppertunytie being lost, it was never accomplished, but a great deale of money veainly and lavishly cast away aboute it, as doth appear upon their accounts. But of this more in its place.

Mr. Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this (which I had omitedand almost forgotten), in bringing over this year, for base gaine, that unworthy man, and instrumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was sent home but the year before for his misdemenors. He not only brought him over, but to the towne (as it were to nose them), and lodged him at his owne house, and for a while used him as a scribe to doe his bussines, till he was caused to pack him away. So he wente to his old nest in the Massachusets, wher it was not long but by his miscariage he gave them just occation to lay hands on him; and he was by them againe sent prisoner into England, wher he lay a good while in Exeter Jeole. For besids his miscariage here, he was vemently suspected for the murder of a man that had adventured moneys with him, when he came first into New-England. And a warrente was sente from the LordCheefe Justice to apprehend him, by vertue wherof he was by the Govr of the Massachusets sent into England; and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they demolisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost for shuch unclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got free againe, and write an infamouse and scurillous bookeagainst many godly and cheefe men of the cuntrie; full of lyes and slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies against their names and persons, and the ways of God. After sundry years, when the warrs were hott in England, he came againe into the cuntrie, and was imprisoned at Boston for this booke and other things, being grown old in wickednes.

Concerning the rest of Mr. Allertons instructions, in which they strictly injoyned him not to exceed above that 50li. in the goods before mentioned, not to bring any but trading commodities, he followed them not at all, but did the quite contrarie; bringing over many other sorts of retaile goods, selling what he could by the way on his owne accounte, and delivering the rest, which he said to be theirs, into the store; and for trading goods brought but litle in comparison; excusing the matter, they had laid out much about the Laiden and patent, etc. And for other goods, they had much of ther owns dealings, without present disbursements, like effect. And as for passing his bounds and inst he laid it on Mr. Sherley, etc., who, he said, they might mind in his leters; also that they had sett out Ashley a charg; but next year they should have what trading they would send for, if things were now well setled, etc.` q, thus were they put off; indeed Mr. Sherley write things i this way, but it is like he was overruled by Mr. Allllertona harkened more to him then to their letters from hence.

Thus he further writs in the former leter.

I see what you write in your leters concerning the overcomm paying of our debts, which I confess are great, and had need be looked unto; yet no doubt but we, joyning in love, may soone over them; but we must follow it roundly and to purposs, for if we pedl the time of our trad, others will step in and nose us. But we know you have that aquaintance and experience in the countrie, as none; the like; wherfore, freinds and partners, be no way discouraged wi greatues of the debt, etc., but let us not fulfill the proverbe, to bestowon a purse, and put 6d. in it; but as you and we have been at great and undergone much for setling you ther, and to gaine experience, God shall enable us, let us make use of it. And think not with 50li. a yeare sent you over, to rayse shuch means as to pay our debts. We see a possibillitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished; ~, cheefiy if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly and wise men, as have lerned to bear one an others infirmities, and rejoyce at any prosperities; and if I were able I would press this more, because hoped by some of your enimies, that you will fall out one with and so over throw your hopfull bussines. Nay, I have heard it reported, that some have said, that till you be disjoynted by disco and fractionsamongst your sellves, it bootes not any to goe over, in of getting or doing good in those parts. But we hope beter things of, and that you will not only bear one with another, but banish such tho and not suffer them to lodg in your brests. God grant you may dial pointe the hopes of your foes, and procure the hartie desire of your eeland freinds in this perticuler.

By this it appears that ther was a kind of concurrance betweene Mr. Allerton and them in these things, and that they gave more regard to his way and course in these things, then to the advise from hence; which made him bould to presume above his instructions, and to rune on in the course he did, to their greater hurt afterwards, as will appear. These things did much trouble them hear, but they well knew not how to help it, being loath to make any breach or contention hear aboute; being so premonished as before in the leter above recited. An other more secrete cause was herewith concur rente; Mr. Allerton had maried the daughter of their Reverend Elder, Mr. Brewster(a man beloved and honoured amongst them, and who tooke great paines in teaching and dispenceing the word of God unto them), whom they were loath to greeve or any way offend, so as they bore with much in that respects. And with all Mr. Allerton carried so faire with him, and procured such leters from Mr. Sherley to him, with shuch applause of Mr. Allertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes, in the bussines; and as things stood none were so fitte to send aboute them as he; and if any should suggest other wise, it was rather out of envie, or some other sinister respects then other wise. Beside, though private gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause to lead Mr. Allerton aside in these beginings, yet I thinke, or at least charitie caries me to hope, that he intended to deale faithfully with them in the maine, and had such an opinion of his owns abillitie, and some experience of the benefite that he had made in this singuler way, as he conceived he might both raise him selfe an estate, and allso be a means to bring in such profite to Mr. Sherley, (and it may be the rest,) as might be as lickly to bring in their moneys againe with advantage, and it may be sooner then from the generall way; or at least it was looked upon by some of them to be a good help ther unto; and that neither he nor any other did intend to charge the generall accounte with any thing that rane in perticuler; or that Mr. Sherley or any other did purposs but that the generall should be first and fully supplyed. I say charitie makes me thus conceive; though things fell out other wise, and they missed of their aimes, and the generall suffered abundantly hereby, as will afterwards apear.

Togeither herewith sorted an other bussines contrived by Mr. Allerton and them ther, without any knowledg of the partners, and so farr proceeded in as they were constrained to allow therof, and joyne in the same, though they had no great liking of it, but feared what might be the evente of the same. I shall relate it in a further part of Mr. Sherley's leter as foloweth.

I am to aquainte you that we have thought good to joyne with one Edward Ashley (a man I thinke that some of you know); but it is only of that place wherof he hath a patente in Mr. Beachamps name;and to that end have furnished him with larg provissions, etc. Now if you please to be partners with us in this, we are willing you shall; for after we heard how forward Bristoll men (and as I hear some able men of his owne kindrid) have been to stock and supply him, hoping of profite, we thought it fitter for us to lay hould of such an opportunitie, and to keep a kind of running plantation, then others who have not borne the burthen of setling a plantation, as we have done. And he, on the other side, like an understanding yonge man, thought it better to joyne with those that had means by a plantation to supply and back him ther, rather then strangers, that looke but only after profite. Now it is not knowne that you are partners with him; but only we 4., Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, my selfe, and Mr. Hatherley, who desired to have the patente, in consideration of our great loss we have allready sustained in setling the first plantation ther; so we agreed togeather to take it in our names. And now, as I said before, if you please to joyne with us, we are willing you should. Mr. Allerton had no power from you to make this new contracte, neither was he willing to doe any thing therin without your consente and approbation. Mr. William Peirce is joyned with us in this, for we thought it very conveniente, because of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please; and he will bend his course accordingly. He hath a new boate with him, and boards to make another, with 4. or 5. lustie fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter. Now in case you are not willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fearing the charge and doubting the success, yet thus much we intreate of you, to afford him all the help you can, either by men, commodities, or boats; yet not but that we will pay you for any thing be hath. And we desire you to keep the accounts apart, though you joyne with us; besase ther is, as you see, other partners in this then the other; so, for all mens wages, boats-hire, or comodities, which we shall have of you, make him debtore for it; and what you shall have of him, make the plantation or your selves debtore for it to him, and so ther will need no mingling of the accounts.

And now, loving freinds and partners, if you joyne in Ashles patent and bussines, though w e have laid out the money and taken up much to stock this bussines and the other, yet I thinke it conscionable and reasonable that you should beare your shares and proportion of the stock, if not by present money, yet by securing us for so much as it shall come too; for it is not barly the interest that is to be alowed and considered of, but allso the adventure; though I hope in God, by his blessing and your honest indeavors, it may soon be payed; yet the years that this partnership holds is not long, nor many; let all therfore lay it to harte, and make the best use of the time that possiblie we cann, and let every man put too his shoulder, and the burthen will be the lighter. I know you are so honest and conscionable men, as you will consider hereof, and returne shush an answer as may give good satisfaction. Ther is none of us that would venture as we have done, were it not to strengthen and setle you more then our owne perticuler profite.

Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying the debte for the purchas. I know some will not abate the interest, and therfore let it rune its course; they are to be paied yearly, and so I hope they shall, according to agreemente. The Lord grant that our loves and affections may still be united, and knit togeither; and so we rest your ever loving friends,

This mater of the buying the debts of the purchass was parte of Mr. Allertons instructions, and in many of them it might have been done to good profite for ready pay (as some were) ; but Mr. Sherley had no mind to it. But this bussines aboute Ashley did not a litle trouble them; for though he had wite and abillitie enough to menage the bussines, yet some of them knew him to be a very profane yonge man; and he had for some time lived amonge the Indeans as a savage, and wente naked amongst them, and used their maners (in which time he got their language), so they feared he might still rune into evill courses (though he promised better), and God would not prosper his ways. As soone as he was landed at the place intended, caled Penobscote, some 4. score leagues from this place,, he write (and afterwards came) for to desire to be supplyed with Wampampeake, come against winter, and other things. They considered these were of their cheefe commodities, and would be continually needed by him, and it would much prejudice their owne trade at Kenebeck if they did not joyne with him in the ordering of things, if thus they should supply him; and on the other hand, if they refused to joyne with him, and allso to afford any supply unto him, they should greatly offend their above named friends, and might hapily lose them hereby; and he and Mr. Allerton, laying their craftie wits togither, might gett supplies of these things els wher; besids, they considered that if they joyned not in the bussines, they knew Mr. Allerton would be with them in it, and so would swime, as it were, betweene both, to the prejudice of boath, but of them selves espetially. For they had reason to thinke this bussines was cheefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a man fitte for his turne and dealings. So they, to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved to joyne in the bussines, and gave him supplies in what they could, and overlooked his proceedings as well as they could; the which they did the better, by joyning an honest yonge manthat came from Leyden, with him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as a servante. Which yonge man being discreete, and one whom they could trust, they so instructed as keept Ashley in some good mesure within bounds. And so they returned their answer to their freinds in England, that they accepted of their motion, and joyned with them in Ashleys bussines; and yet withall tould them what their fears were concerning him.

But when they came to have full notice of all the goods brought them that year, they saw they fell very short of trading goods, and Ashley farr better suppleyed then themselves; so as they were forced to buy of the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, and cottens and carseys and other such like cloath (for want of trading cloath) of Mr. Allerton himselfe, and so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under rate, in the countrie, which they should have sente home, to help to discharge their great ingagementes; which was to their great vexation; but Mr. Allerton prayed them to be contente, and the nexte yere they might have what they would write for. And their ingagmentes of this year were great indeed when they came to know them, (which was not wholy till 2. years after); and that which made them the more, Mr. Allerton had taken up some large summes at Bristoll at 50. pr cent. againe, which he excused, that he was forcee to it, because other wise he could at the spring of year get no goods transported, such were their envie against their trade. But wheither this was any more then an excuse, some of them doubted; but however, the burden did lye on their backs, and they must bear it, as they did many heavie loads more in the end.

This paying of 50. pr cent. and dificulty of having their goods transported by the fishing ships at the first of the year, (as was beleeved,) which was the cheefe season for trade, put them upon another projecte. Mr. Allerton, after the fishing season was over, light of a bargan of salte, at a good fishing place, and bought it; which came to aboute 113li.; and shortly after he might have had 30li. cleare profite for it, without any more trouble aboute it. But Mr. Winslow coming that way from Kenebeck, and some other of ther partners with him in the barke, they mett with Mr. Allerton, and falling into discourse with him, they stayed him from selling the salte; and resolved, if it might please the rest, to keep it for them selves, and to hire a ship in the west cuntrie to come on fishing for them, on shares, according to the coustome; and seeing she might have her salte here ready, and a stage ready builte and fitted wher the salt lay safely landed and housed. In stead of bringing salte, they might stowe her full of trading goods, as bread, pease, cloth, etc., and so they might have a full supply of goods without paing fraight, and in due season, which might turne greatly to their advantage. Coming home, this was propounded, and considered on, and aproved by all but the Gov', who had no mind to it, seeing they had allway lost by fishing; but the rest were so ernest, as thinkeing that they might gaine well by the fishing in this way; and if they should but save, yea, or lose some thing by it, the other benefite would be advantage inough; so, seeing their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was referd to their freinds in England to aloes, or disalow it. Of which more in its place.

Upon the consideration of the bussines about the paten, and in what state it was left, as is before remembred, and Mr. Sherleys ernest pressing to have Mr. Allerton to come over againe to finish it, and perfect the accounts, etc., it was concluded to send him over this year againe; though it was with some fear and jeolocie; yet he gave them fair words and promises of well performing all their bussineses according to their directions, and to mend his former errors. So he was accordingly sent with full instructions for all things, with large letters to Mr. Sherley and the rest, both aboute Ashleys bussines and their owne suply with trading comodities, and how much it did concerne them to be furnished therwith, and what they had suffered for wante therof; and of what litle use other goods were in comparison therof ; and so likewise aboute this fishing ship, to be thus hired, and fraught with trading goods, which might both supply them and Ashley, and the benefite therof ; which was left to their consideration to hire and set her out, or not; but in no case not to send any, exepte she was thus fraighte with trading goods. But what these things came too will appere in the next years passages.

I had like to have omited an other passage that fell out the begining of this year. Ther was one Mr. Ralfe Smith,and his wife and familie, that came over into the Bay of the Massachusets, and sojourned at presente with some stragling people that lived at Natascoe; here being a boat of this place putting in ther on some occasion, he ernestly desired that they would give him and his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as they could well carrie; having before heard that ther was liklyhood he might procure house-roome for some time, till he should resolve to setle ther, if he might, or els-wher as God should disposs; for he was werfe of being in that uncoth place, and in a poore house that would neither keep him nor his goods drie. So, seeing him to be a grave man, and understood he had been a minister, though they had no order for any such thing, yet they presumed and brought him. He was here accordingly kindly entertained and housed, and had the rest of his goods and servants sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst them, and afterwards was chosen into the ministrie, and so remained for sundrie years.

It was before noted that sundry of those that came from Leyden, came over in the ships that came to Salem, wher Mr. Endecott had cheefe command; and by infection that grue amonge the passengers at sea, it spread also among them a shore, of which many dyed, some of the scurvie, other of an infectious feaoure, which continued some time amongst them (though our people, through Gods goodnes, escaped it). Upon which occasion he write hither for some help, understanding here was one that had some skill that way, and had cured diverse of the scurvie, and others of other diseases, by letting blood, and other means. Upon which his request the Govr hear sent him unto them, and also write to him, from whom he received an answere; the which, because it is bfeefe, and shows the begining of their aquaintance, and closing in the truth and ways of God, I thought it not unmeete, nor without use, hear to inserte it; and an other showing the begining of their fellowship and church estate ther. Being as followeth.

It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one mr and of the same houshold should be strangers; I assure you I desire it not, nay, to speake more plainly, I cannot be so to you. Gods people are all marked with one and the same marke, and sealed with one and the same scale, and have for the maine, one and the same harte, guided by one and same spirite of truth; and wher this is, ther can be no discorde